• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.5-35
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• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.61
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• pp.118-133
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• 2013

Lee Yeung-Hi is one of the most influential journalist in the modern history of Korea. Nevertheless, the judgement about him has been parallelized by opposite sides. He is called 'the Master of ideology', while the other calls him 'the culprit of theorization'. This thesis deduced the contemporary meaning of person Lee Yeung-Hi in order to promote communication for both sides. I compared their logical arguments and pointed out the error they missed. Also, I clarified that the criticism and anticriticism for Lee Young-Hi in the fields of both journalism and academia have fallacies, such as the fallacy of straw man, and the fallacy of question-begging. I criticized their arguments through the view of 'struggling to seek truth', which is the core value of Lee Yeung-Hi's thought. The necessity of communication between advocators and it's critics is due to the condition of Korean Journalism. Korean Journalism does not have much space to accept Lee Young-Hi in only one side. Paradoxically, the contemporary meaning of the truth that Journalist Lee Young-Hi had sought is profound and deep because of the condition where Korean Journalism is being dominated by political parallelism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.7
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• pp.352-367
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• 2020

This study critically reviewed whether the South Korean press reported the issue of conflict between South Korea and Japan in a way consistent with their journalistic values. To this end, this study conducted frame analysis and textual analysis for the articles of three press(Chosun Ilbo, Hankyoreh and KBS) from the three major branches of conflict (Korea's Supreme Court's ruling on forced labor compensation in October 2018, the Japanese government's decision to regulate exports in July 2019 and the Korean government's decision to end GSOMIA in August 2019) to one week. There were many superficial reports of simply relaying conflicts around the occurrence and outcome of events, and there were few reports that analyzed the context in depth or suggested alternatives. And partisan reporting, which is cited as a key issue in the Korean journalism, has been strongly revealed in the midst of a conflict between Korea and Japan, a national emergency situation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.152-188
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• 2017

This study stereotyped the media on the basis of ideological inclinations and media types and explored the news coverage through word analysis, network analysis, and frame analysis. There was no difference between conservative media and progressive media in terms of the amount of news. The conservative mainstream media considered the THAAD rumor as an unnecessary misunderstanding and a rumor based conflict of the south-south. The progressive mainstream media mentioned much about Hwang Gyoan, external influences, and lies and highlighted the government's opinion that there was external influence that spread a vicious rumor. Conservative media mentioned on the bringing about social disturbance and in case of progressive media mentioned social disturbance, and progressive media mentioned the responsibility of government and the attitude of conservative media about the diffusion of the rumor. In conclusion the press framed the THAAD rumor on the basis of their ideological inclinations instead of the role of journalist.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.391-406
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• 2024

The current distribution of digital news has the potential to produce politically biased information for users as a result of individual choices and media selection based on those choices. Consequently, this research explored the factors affecting individual news selection and the effects of opinion changes and political participation that can occur when news tailored to users' partisan preferences is recommended. The phenomenon of selective exposure has been shown to be stronger when individuals utilize more limited information processing, experience higher discussion efficacy among groups with similar political beliefs. Furthermore, When a selective exposure group was randomly provided with a one-way message news that matched their partisan leanings, it was found that opinion consolidation, opinion-reinforcing information processing, and online political participation. On the other hand, when they were randomly presented with two-way messaging news in which the media balanced two competing partisan positions, they were found to be more likely to understand the other side's views and arguments, and more willing to adjust their existing opinions. We are confirmed that the balanced use of various opinions is very important in deliberative democratic process.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.315-328
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• 2013

With a view to grasping how media commercialization is understood and discussed in the media-related academic community, this study compares and reviews other researches on the commercialization process of Korean press. Full-fledged studies have been rarely performed on the history of commercialization, but similar or related studies have been conducted intermittently: One is the commercialization theory in 1933 and the other is the commercialization theory in the late 1960s. Both of them decided Korean press had been commercialized as a strategical option in the midst of political pressure. It gives a clue leading us to understanding on why Korean press shows partisanship which is pointed as one of social maladies. Korean press acquires less economic benefits if they play in the market than if political parties they support or share the same political interest take power, so they are a commercial press as well as a partially partisan press. In this context, commercialization of Korean press is still underway, and genuine commercialization hitting the balance with politicization may have yet to begin.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.45-78
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• 2019

This study examines the relationship between individuals' perceptions on party conflict and affective polarization. It pays particular attention to party identification as a moderating variable. Using a survey conducted in the context of the 2014 Korean local election, the present study hypothesizes that perceiving serious inter-party conflict in the political arena is likely to increase negative feelings toward out-group political party among partisans only. Not only do the results confirm our hypothesis but suggest that conflict perception leads to affective polarization among partisan voters. This paper contributes to our understanding of the mechanism that links the attribution of blame to out-group political party for legislative gridlock with ever-growing affective polarization of the electorate.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.152-176
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• 2014

Public opinion has dramatically shifted from positive to negative in Korea society especially since the IMF crisis. Such terms as 'aristocratic union', 'collectivism', 'damages on public interest' became a kind of conventional wisdom. Undoubtedly, media's representation has much to do with such a tantamount difference. This study thus attempts to understand the mechanism by analyzing media discourse related to labor strikes. For this purpose, this paper made a choice three cases including doctor-pharmacist dispute, general strike by truckers' solidarity, and Ssangyong Motor's strike. Total 217 editorial pieces of , and conceived to be a representative newspaper of ideological stance were analyzed. Research showed that while paying particular attention to demoralizing labor strikes, shed positive light on such disputes by articulating fundamental causes hampered by pro-capital policies along with anti-labor law enforcement. The believed to be relatively a neutral one showed ambivalent attitudes toward those cases. More favorable and inclusive reporting were found in accordance with policy shifts as well. Media's selective partisanship for the sake of private interests is firmly believed to downgrading credibility on Korean journalism. Also is fair, balanced and less biased reporting over socal disputes a vital part in crystallizing social consensus. In this consideration, the authors hoped this study to provide an opportunity to contemplate on what would be desirable journalistic values in modern democracy.