The incarnation of Jesus and Jeungsan's descending to earth as a human being are important theological theories in their respective religions, Christianity and Daesoon Jinrihoe. Both theories are the doctrinal devices necessary for the religious description of each religion. However, this kind of study is likely to result in a theological study that generates religious apologia or explanations. Therefore, it is impossible and meaningless to define the theory of another religion as meta-discourse in terms of one's own religious viewpoint. From a traditional theological point of view, the incarnation is an exceptionalist case wherein God descended as a human being named Jesus to save humanity from original sin. In the case of Jeungsan's descending to earth as a human being, its religious features appear in various forms, so the attempt to unify these two is not an objective method of religious studies. However, this paper aims to find the religious significance of Jesus' incarnation and Jeungsan's descending to earth as a human being by understanding them from a third-person terminology or third-person religious viewpoint rather than from a specific theological position. To this end, this paper will use Kim Jong-seo's position that the concept of Jeungsan's descending to earth as a human being was borrowed from the concept of the incarnation of Jesus as the premise of the research generated in this paper. Therefore, this paper avoids the quest for "Total Christ" or "Total Jeungsan" that integrates and views the divine and human elements of Jesus and Jeungsan. This is because such a research method becomes a theological study. Instead, it excludes transcendental elements or metaphysical aspects that discuss the divine pre-existences of Jesus and Jeungsan and clarifies the significance of the incarnation and Jeungsan's descending to earth as a human being at the physical level in terms which are objective and verifiable. According to this research methodology, this paper develops a discussion after presupposing the hypothetical names of "incarnationist religion" and "divine descent in human avatar religion." However, the two presuppositions mentioned above contain elements of criticism that they are materialistic interpretations that completely eliminate connotations of divinity and religious significance. Nevertheless, it can be said that the two presuppositions have academic significance due to the way in which they avoid the current entanglement of transcendence and instead aim for modernistic relevance.
This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.
This study aims to reveal the overall Fengshui figuration and geomantic features of Daesoon Jinrihoe's Geumgangsan (Mt. Geumgang) Toseong Training Temple Complex from the Hyeonggi (Energy of Form) Theory in Fengshui. This study first looked at the mountain landscape viewable from the surface, examined the influence of Qi (Energy) flowing inside it, comprehended the flow of its vitality in terms of its strengths and weaknesses, and gauged the depth of the energy produced from mountain streams to determine fortune and misfortune. There is a special significance to this site due to Sangje's teaching that "⋯ it will be prosperous with 12,000 Dotonggunja (Dao-empowered Sages)," and it is also known as a efficacious grounds for cultivation among ascetics due to it housing the royal mausoleum of Dojeon (interpreted by some as Maitreya). Concerning this, this study explores the geomantic symbolism and growth-supporting land of Geumgangsan Toseong Training Temple Complex as it corresponds to Fengshui theory, and in keeping with this, the topography and conditions are likewise examined. The mountain range and its energy pathways (veins) harmonize with the pure water energy coming from the East Sea. The mountain terrain of Mount Geumgang, and the geomantic location, topography, and energy pathways that influence Daesoon Jinrihoe Geumgangsan Toseong Training Temple Complex are all explored. The Baekdudaegan Mountain Range extends through Mount Geumgang to Sinseonbong Peak, and one range extends to Geumgangsan Toseong Training Temple Complex whereas the other range extends through Sangbong Peak down to Misiryeong Valley and Mount Seorak. Thus, this study demonstrates that Daesoon Jinrihoe has always strongly considered the relationship between its temple complexes and their surrounding environment. The order has always selected locations that exhibit optimal conditions which suit the construction of sacred spaces. The determinations in this paper were made through an academic approach that drew upon various theories of Fengshui while examining Daesoon Jinrihoe's Geumgangsan Toseong Training Temple Complex. The in-depth analysis was specifically based on Hyeonggi Fengshui. At the same time, this study also looked into the surroundings of Geumgangsan Toseong Training Temple Complex. In particular, the mountains and flow of nearby bodies of water were comprehensively examined to show how the surrounding topography corresponds to the principles of Fengshui. An integral approach combining all major theories of Fengshui revealed that Geumgangsan Toseong Training Temple Complex starts from Sinseonbong Peak, and its energy flows through the main mountain range, going through numerous geographical changes of yin and yang. When the range flows down, the water flows accordingly, and where the water whirls, the mountains are shaped accordingly. Eventually, this energy reaches Geumgangsan Toseong Training Temple Complex. From the organic relationship between mountains and bodies of water, which can be said to be the essence of the order of nature, it can be judged that the most prominent geomantic feature of Geumgangsan Toseong Training Temple Complex corresponds to traditional theories of Fengshui in that it forms a configuration wherein optimal water energy supports the Virtuous Concordance of Yin Yang and harmonizes the Blue Dragon with the White Tiger.
Grievance-resolution pursues reconciliation, mutual beneficence, and consolidation. Accordingly, the concept of grievance-resolution is a norm, a principle, as well as an ideology that aims to realize an ideal society and satisfy human desires. Such ideological thought transcended into religious doctrine and was systemized by Jeungsan, Kang Il-sun. He focused on grudges that represented the intrinsic sentiment of Korea and apprehended that grudges are the grounds and reason for the devastation of the world. Furthermore, Jeungsan was a figure who reinterpreted the concept of grievance-resolution via a religious perspective through an in-depth study which transformed into a doctrinal system. He practiced the Reordering Works of grievance-resolution on a universal dimension to religiously redeem all things. Jeungsan completely resolved all the grudges and grievances that filled up the Three Realms (Heaven, Earth, and Humanity) through the concept of grievance-resolution and emphasized that he would establish an ideal society on earth to complete the redemption of human beings. Jeungsan apprehended that the essential characteristics of grudges and grievances were the fundamental reason for the destruction of the world. In this regard, he insisted that the redemption of the world should be achieved through the grievance-resolution. Grievance-resolution is an essential aspect and principle of Jeungsan's system of thought. In addition, it is a concrete approach to establish the earthly paradise of the Later World. Jeungsan implemented a method to redeem humankind by systemizing the intrinsic sentiments common in Korea - namely, the concept of grievance-resolution- and he suggested it as a religious practice which was the principle behind the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. Jeungsan defined that his own era was a time of grievance-resolution. In addition, he insisted that grievances and grudges had existed from the beginning of humankind. Jeungsan also said that there were grievances and grudges in heavenly planes, human planes, and underworldly planes. It was thereby necessary to do beneficial deeds for others and reciprocate beneficence in order to resolve grievances. He emphasized that a process wherein all human desires could be satisfied was essential. Furthermore, Jeungsan stressed that this present time should focus on the process of grievance-resolution on a practical level.
In Daesoon Thought, Matteo Ricci is regarded highly as a Jongjang, 'religious leader,' (of Christianity). This paper deals with the life and philosophical/theological thought of Matteo Ricci as homo-religiosus from the perspective of phenomenology of religion. Examining his historical background and biographical sketch, I will analyze Ricci's understanding of God, humanity, and salvation and re-evaluate his relationship with Daesoon Thought. Matteo Ricci, born in Italy, became a Jesuit missionary to China and transmitted various products of western civilization. Accepting the pro-cultural approach of Jesuit mission, he applied it to Chinese culture and language by learning the Chinese language and regarding Chinese people as his friends. This was a sympathetic way to transmit Western religion and culture while on Chinese soil. He suggested eight reasons to look towards the future of China with optimism and taught Chinese people his Christian message through his indirect means of understanding and persuasion. In China, Jesuit missionaries called the Christian God 'Tianzhu (Cheonju in Sino-Korean),' meaning Lord of Heaven. Ricci identified the Confucian notion of 'Shangdi (Sangje in Sino-Korean),' meaning Supreme Emperor (or God) with Tianzhu. While translating Confucian scriptures, he found the common ground between Confucianism and Christianity to be the monotheism of ancient Confucianism. He criticized the concepts of God in Buddhism and Daoism, and justified the Christian doctrine of God by way of a Confucian understanding of deity. Ricci's understanding of humanity was based on his Christian faith in creation, and he criticized the Buddhist concept of transmigration. He proposed Christian ethics and doctrine of salvation by using discourse on the afterlife and in particular, the concepts of heaven and hell. Concerning the relationship between Daesoon Thought and Ricci, the following aspects should be examined: 1.) Ricci's contribution to the cultural exchanges between East and West, 2.) his peaceful approach to his mission based on dialogue and persuasion, 3.) the various activities conducted by Ricci as a Christian leader, and 4.) his belief in miraculous healings. His influence on Korea will likewise be explored. Ricci's ultimate aim was to communicate with Asian people and unify East and West under a singular worldview by emphasizing the similarities between the Christian and Confucian concepts of God.
This paper aims to find out from what perspective Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars evaluated and understood Yang Xiong's guiding principles and literature at the micro level and to reveal the academic trends of Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars. This topic is approached as follows: first, an evaluation of Yang Xiong's way of living as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang (the controversial Emperor of the short-lived Xin Dynasty)'; second, Yang Xiong's literary character and his literary works; third, Yang Xiong's writing style; and fourth, Yang Xiong's view of good and evil. These can be summarized in three main ways: One is to agree with Zhu Xi's criticism of Yang Xiong as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang' and dismiss his guiding principles, academic achievements, literature, and other accomplishments. Most of these negatives have been found in Confucian scholars who are especially enthusiastic about theology. Examples include Hong Jikpil, Wi Baekgyu, Kim Wonhaeng, and Lee Sangjeong. In the case of kings such as King Yeong-Jo, the assessment of Yang Xiong is quite similar. The following assessments of Yang Xiong are positive though. Positive assessments are presented from two different views. One is a balanced approach that covers both the positive and negative aspects of Yang Xiong. For example, Heo-Kyun's understanding. Another positive view can be analyzed from three perspectives. The first case is when the scholars assessing Yang Xiong were not deeply influenced by Zhu Xi's criticism of him. Seo Geojeong and Seong-Hyeon are examples. The second case are those that broke away from theology or adhered to Silhak [Practical Studies]. Yi-Ik is an example. Third, assessments from scholars who posited that truth was of a pluralistic nature. Jang-Yu is an example of such scholars. Regarding theories of human nature; however, there was consensus among Confucian scholars that Mengzi held that human nature is good, and thereby it was common to criticize Yang Xiong's theory that human nature was a mixture of good and evil. From an ideal micro perspective, Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars' different assessments of Yang Xiong show that their understanding and evaluation of Yang Xiong differed in accordance with their own differing worldviews and ideas.
The objective of this paper is to reveal that the formation of Deleuze's system is a result of a back flow of the 'ideal of pure reason' in Kant's system. I will try to seize upon the keyword in his main book, Difference and Repetition, and examine the aspect of mutual transformation between Deleuze's transcendental empiricism and Kant's transcendentalism. When analyzing Deleuze's system, most researchers tend to focus on anti-Hegelianism, but it is proper that Kant be adopted as the start when tracing the way of deployment directly. Fundamentally, Deleuze is different from Hegel in his approach to observing entire ground of thought. Even if Deleuze surely has the capability of becoming in the dialectical context, his systemic environment wherein dialectics is applied is different even at the onset. While Hegel follows the way of origin and copy or a system that begins from a preceding point of origin, Deleuze follows a way of copy and recopy or a system that begins without a point of origin. This characteristic of Deleuze's system originates directly from idealistic play. In fact, we can anticipate and identify in his book that he refers to Kant who accepted the tradition of empiricism. Therefore, the main contents of this paper is to present an overview of Kant's influence on Deleuze's system. While tracing ideas back to Kant's system, the cohabitation of empiricism and rationalism, which Kant felicitously revoiced, there emerges a definitude of world recognition. This occurs through cohabitation, and this is both deconstructed and integrated by Deleuze, and therein definitude is turned into a vision of prosperity. To the vision of prosperity that spans definitude to recognition, a philosopher has the right to select a philosophical system because selection methodology in philosophy is not a problem of legitimacy so much as the needs of the times. Deleuze's choice resulted in the opening of pandora's box in an abyss and secret contents have in turn risen sharply.
Until recently, academic consensus held that Zhou Dunyi's Taijitu (Taiji Diagram) originated from Cantongqi. However, a new debate has arisen wherein some scholars question that theory and related theories. They criticize these previous theories because the books and charts used as evidence in those theories were published after the lifetime of Zhou Dunyi, and this disqualifies their influence on his thought. However, identifying certain authors as being of a slightly later period than Zhou Dunyi does not definitively answer whether or not Zhou Dunyi's diagram was based on Cantongqi. I approached this problem from a different perspective. Zhou Dunyi's Taijitu is based on the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements. Consequently, the formation of this system should be traced back historically. In the process of tracing it back, I intended to explain that the main character of Cantongqi is closely related to the formation of the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements. The system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements was first established as a religious theological system in the Han Dynasty. In this process, yin-yang and the five movements were combined by Dong Zhongshu, and the five movements were introduced by Han Dynasty scholars as a method of interpreting the I-ching. However, Han Dynasty scholars did not form this system. In the late Han Dynasty, Cantongqi adopted the theological system of yin-yang and the five movements to theoretically form the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements. Cantongqi was able to form this system because of the logic that yin-yang is the essence of the I-ching. Cantongqi does not have the same schematic as Taijitu. However, the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements appears and extracts the components that make up Taijitu. Therefore, I do not think we should hastily agree with the recent claims made by scholars.
This paper identifies what the theoretical similarities and differences are in the concept of Sangsaeng held by Zhuxi (1130~1200) and Jeungsan (1871~1909). Human beings cannot live alone. For humans to survive, they must live with others. However, humans have an infinite desire not only for survival but also for material things, honor, and power. In other words, humans, on the one hand, seek harmony and symbiosis for survival, and on the other, constantly confront, conflict and compete with one another to satisfy their infinite desires. Thus, human-to-human interrelationship is not a co-prosperity that creates partnerships for harmony but one of adversaries within competition that must be fought and defeated. At the same time, humans can achieve harmony and cooperation by overcoming their infinite desires and realizing morality. Therefore, various social problems that originate from competitive structure, which are dominated by confrontation and conflict, can be solved through human effort and reflection, so that humans can focus on solving social problems by mobilizing their own wisdom. Jeungsan emphasized Sangsaeng as mutual beneficence and it became one of the creeds of Daesoon Thought. In the Neo-Confucianism of Zhuxi, there is an ideology of Sangsaeng as co-prosperity and this is comparable to mutual beneficence in Daesoon Thought. In Zhuxi's terminology it is called 'In (仁), humanity.' In Neo-Confucianism, a harmonious world is achieved by loving people and caring for and nurturing all things when the principles of humanity are realized. This means that when the principle of co-prosperity is realized in Daesoon Thought, there will be no conflict or grudges, and only an acquired vision of reconciliation and mutual beneficence will be achieved. Zhuxi also emphasizes the realization of humanity (cheonli) by eliminating self-interest. At this time, the relationship between humanity and 'self-interest' is similar to the relationship between the mutual beneficence and grievances in Daesoon Thought. Just as the principle of 'In' fosters love among people and the benefit of things immediately after self-interest is removed, the principle of mutual beneficence is realized immediately after grudges are resolved. This achieves an endless of paradise on earth.
According to Lee Young-geum, the ideas of grievance resolution and mutual beneficence were already present in shamanism. She also insists that Jeungsan merely theorized upon these ideas by inheriting them and his religious activities must be identified from within a shamanistic worldview. Contrary to Lee's claim, Cha Seon-keun argues that the grievance resolution of Jeungsan is far beyond the contents and level of development found in shamanism. He also insists that Jeungsan's religious activities must be identified as having a certain orderly uniqueness distinct from shamanism. The argument between these two different perspectives has not attracted other researchers besides those who are directly involved. However, this debate deserves attention with regard to the problem of how one approaches a given religion and which academic perspective should be applied. Based on the perspective of the Daesoon Jinrihoe, this study examines their debate by considering four issues. Firstly, whether Jeungsan inherited or expanded upon the subject of grievance resolution and its range remains undetermined. Secondly, the ethics of mutual beneficence and grateful reciprocation in Jeungsan's concept of grievance resolution should be analyzed as to whether that idea reasserts the ethics of shamanism. Thirdly, it is necessary to study whether his method of grievance resolution fully embraced the methods of grievance resolution that exist in shamanism. Lastly, it should be determined whether or not Jeungsan's religious activities and system of thought should be identified within a shamanistic worldview. Through this review, Lee and Cha can be shown to have different opinions on the academic approach to research on religion. Accordingly, this study concludes that Lee's method of only interpreting Jeungsan's religious thought via a shamanic worldview is incompatible with academic methodology. A scholar of religious studies should discuss Jeungsan on his own merits rather than just imply that Jeungsan thoroughly reflects the worldview of shamanism, doctrinal studies of Buddhism, and Daoist thought as well as other theologies. In other words, if certain tangible and intangible elements found in shamanism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Daoism, and Christianity are also observed in Jeungsan's religious thought, it is necessary to comprehend how different or similar those elements are or whether they are re-interpreted in any manner. In the case of Lee, her method of overemphasizing similarities is now criticized as outdated. Nowadays, it is necessary to demonstrate awareness of modern religious studies tendency to pay equal attention to similarities and differences.
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