Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).
This thesis has examined Jo Guimyeong's observation method and rhetoric of style of writing style. He tried to look at the world differently through observation and expressed relationship with the world through the style of comic. $J{\breve{o}}nggwan$ is a new way of looking at subjects and objects. It trust the senses and thoughts of the subject. So It is to clarify the circumstances and logic of the world from one's own point of view. In this case, it collides with the common thinking of the day. He put the reason and the action standard in the "taste" and the "mind". This means three things. First, he is proud that his reasons and actions are no different from those of a saint. Second, an individual is an independent being with different emotions and thoughts. Third, based on this, his works of literature have their own value. These reasons and actions were incarnated through '$J{\breve{o}}nggwan$(靜觀)'s observation methods. What he gained from the three stages of $J{\breve{o}}nggwan$(靜觀)' is the 'great mind'. The first step is self-reflection. It is the process of objectifying oneself. The second target is the appearance of things. It's about looking at everything equally, whether it's precious or vulgar. The third object of observation is a harmonic. He is joining the movement of the harmonizers. Therefore, one's own reasons, actions, and works of literature share the same meaning as those of a harmonizer. He said that the description can change according to his own knowledge. It means that you can fit the situation. A typical example was the analysis of 'Sung Bo hyung hwasangchan'<成甫兄畵像贊>. He described Park Moon-soo's life as the lives of officials through comic. Through this, He criticized Park Moon-soo's natural nature of the academic world. but the situation in which he can't escape from bureaucratic life by inducing laughter. This style of writing is one of the most representative features which was written by Jo Guimyeong writer.
This is to study the military philosophy of Wangzhen's Commentary on Daodejing written by a famous military officer in the end of Tang Dynasty, Wangzhen. Historically, many scholars consider Laozi's Daodejing as a book on military science. Wangzhen, however, is the only person to interpret Daodejing genealogically from a military perspective. Wangzhen thinks that the fact that human beings like competing naturally causes the constant competition in the world. Human beings are born with the most outstanding spirit among all beings. But, when God created human beings, they had greed and avarice in the middle of their heart. Accordingly, human beings look for a success and a profit, and follow the wicked way, leaving the right way. The contractions among each greed and avarice bring about small or big competitions. Human beings have greed and avarice. It means human beings have emotions. As a result, the competitions in the world are not able to disappear because human beings have emotions. To win the completion human beings use weapons. According to Wangzhen, the war is the most devilish deed due to the weapon's atrocious, dangerous quality. Yet, the world's interests are decided by how efficiently the weapons are used. Consequently, the weapon techniques are worthy and play an important role in the real world. Morality, however, should be in the first priority in ruling over a country and commanding the army. The national security and the war victory could be secured when civil and military affairs have a balance. Wangzhen thinks that Laozi emphasizes "Not-Competing" as a basic solution of competition. The competition is the root cause of war and disorder. Therefore, Not-Competing is the main idea of Daodejing. Not-Competiting is a basis of Wangzhen's military philosophy as well. For Wangzhen, Not-Competing is Wuwei. Wuwei has political and military meanings at the same time. Wangzhen build up the "Not-Competing" military philosophy by applying Loazi's Daodejing to his military philosophy.
Kim, Min-Suk;Park, Minseok;Min, Hyun-Gi;Chae, Eunji;Hyun, Seunghun;Kim, Jeong-Gyu;Koo, Namin
Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
/
v.39
no.1
/
pp.100-107
/
2021
Along with an increase in the frequency of high-concentration fine particulate matter in Korea, interest and research on ammonia (NH3) are actively increasing. It is obvious that agriculture has contributed significantly to NH3 emissions. However, studies on the long-term effect of fertilizer use on the ambient NH3 concentration of agricultural land are insufficient. Therefore, in this study, NH3 concentration in the atmosphere of agricultural land was monitored for 11 months using a passive sampler. The average ambient NH3 concentration during the total study period was 2.02 ㎍ m-3 and it was found that the effect of fertilizer application on the ambient NH3 concentration was greatest in the month immediately following fertilizer application (highest ambient NH3 concentration as 11.36㎍ m-3). After that, it was expected that the NH3 volatilization was promoted by increases in summer temperature and the concentration in the atmosphere was expected to increase. However, high NH3 concentrations in the atmosphere were not observed due to strong rainfall that lasted for a long period. After that, the ambient NH3 concentration gradually decreased through autumn and winter. In summary, when studying the contribution of fertilizer to the rate of domestic NH3 emissions, it is necessary to look intensively for at least one month immediately after fertilizer application, and weather information such as precipitation and no-rain days should be considered in the field study.
The establishment of the Bronze Age is one of the most important achievements suggested by Korean archaeology shortly after liberation. There is no doubt that Moo-Byung Yoon is the representative figure, who refuted the ambiguous Eneolithic age (金石倂用期) created by Japanese scholars and settled the concept of the Bronze Age. In this article, the author takes a new look at Yoon's institutional role in studying the Bronze Age in Korea. Until now, Yoon's representative achievement has been his typology of the Slender dagger of the Korean Peninsula. However, it is not less important that Yoon also established the Bronze Age concept with the excavation of a dolmen and a Bronze Age subterranean dwelling in Oksok-ni, Paju during the 1960s. Of course, it was not a personal assignment for Yoon. He was aided by Prof. Kim Won-Yong's work, who had introduced newly excavated materials from North Korea and China; these materials gave some insight for establishing the Bronze Age concepts in the 1960 and 1970s. Kim's suggestion about the possibility of a Korean Bronze Age led to Yoon's refined typological study on Korea's bronze wares. However, Yoon's excessive schematic classification of artifacts and reliance on the Japanese chronology became an obstacle for making the Korean Bronze Age isolated from East Asia. As a result, it is regrettable that his research led to the "cultural lag" phenomenon of Bronze Age research. Meanwhile, Japanese archaeology, which had influenced Yoon, also faced a major change. In 2003, the Japanese archaeological community revised the Yayoi culture's beginning around the 1,000 BC. This means a shift in the perception that we should understand Japan's Bronze Age in the context of the East Asian continent. Of course, it is not appropriate to reevaluate or denigrate Yoon's research from the current view. Rather, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of Yoon's time and present a new path to research by combining the archaeological tradition of refining research on the relics he maintained with a new chronological view and a macro view of East Asian archaeology. This is why we should take a new glimpse into Yoon's research.
The Buyeo Wangheungsa Temple was excavated 15 times by the Buyeo National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage by 2015. In doing this, it was confirmed that the attached buildings were placed in the east and west along with the central Sangharama building. Various building sites were established in the western section of the temple, and various buildings were placed inside, and this pattern was estimated in the eastern section. In this article, the structure and function of the attached buildings of the Wangheungsa Temple were focused on the planar structure and excavated artifacts. The most distinctive feature of the attached buildings of the Wangheungsa Temple is their construction alongside the central Sangharama building. It is different from the building to the Neungsan-ri Temple, which was expanded gradually. The attached buildings in the east and west of the lecture hall are presumed to be living space for monks who used solitary rooms, and the attached buildings in the east and west of the main hall were a combination of public work space used for things such as administration, ceremonies, and reception. Next, looking at the outer space of the central Sangharama, the western section was likely constructed at the same time as the central Sangharama. However, if you look at the building site inside the western section, the function has been changed in two stages. The first stage was a ritual space, and it is evident that the western section has a separate entrance and sidewalk and that the workshop was used as a monastery space in the second stage. Finally, there is a distinct possibility that the eastern part of the complex was an important section. Although this space is presumed to be composed of triple towers and halls, it must be have been approached in various ways and included structures related to the operation of temples, such as the monastery space. From this point on, the overall appearance of Baekje temples can be recovered through access to temple structures in a wide variety of ways, including studies of the attached buildings.
Calling the 21th century the age of 'cultural competition' is not an overstatement. In an era of globalization, we try to find the 'identity of our country' in our culture. 'Culture' is the unique ethnicity of the people of each country that reflects the traces of their lives. As the world is transforming into a multi-dimensional place, traditional patterns in reference to cultural uniqueness and original formativeness are the brands that represent the people. France's luxury brand, GOYARD's Y-shaped pattern naturally made during the persistent traditional handmade process is still France's representative corporate brand and is considered prestigious even after 150 years have passed. On the other hand, in low-income countries, patterns created in the natural process of weaving fabrics are succeeded as a unique cultural aesthetic and are loved by people all over the world. Like this, people living in the global multi-dimensional world look to attain the framework 'One Planet Perspective' which is to succeed their own native culture and preserve the unique culture of others. For example, in the process of international relief organizations delivering relief supplies to Columbia's "Wayu tribe" due to the water shortage in 2013, a handmade product, "Mochila Bag" was discovered. Triggered by this incident, Europe and Korea decide to import it to support the livelihood of the "Wayu tribe." Also, the aesthetic and cultural values of the traditional culture in minority tribes that have evolved through thousands of years have been listed on UNESCO and preserved worldwide. Likewise, culture doesn't suddenly appear overnight, but rather the brand representing the company is the pattern used in the trend of the era kept for over 100 years. Moreover, patterns that reflect the country's identity are inherited as the unique aesthetic of the culture. Our country does inherit the unique aesthetic of our culture, but doesn't have a 'strong image' that displays the practical value reinterpreted creatively and aesthetically to fit the modern trend. Traditional patterns are important in perspective of study and theoretical research, but the brand's image using those patterns is a new medium from the past existence continuing to the current tradition. Furthermore, this study suggests that the image of a company that uses traditional patterns will have high economical potential as a national brand.
In Daesoon Thought, Matteo Ricci is regarded highly as a Jongjang, 'religious leader,' (of Christianity). This paper deals with the life and philosophical/theological thought of Matteo Ricci as homo-religiosus from the perspective of phenomenology of religion. Examining his historical background and biographical sketch, I will analyze Ricci's understanding of God, humanity, and salvation and re-evaluate his relationship with Daesoon Thought. Matteo Ricci, born in Italy, became a Jesuit missionary to China and transmitted various products of western civilization. Accepting the pro-cultural approach of Jesuit mission, he applied it to Chinese culture and language by learning the Chinese language and regarding Chinese people as his friends. This was a sympathetic way to transmit Western religion and culture while on Chinese soil. He suggested eight reasons to look towards the future of China with optimism and taught Chinese people his Christian message through his indirect means of understanding and persuasion. In China, Jesuit missionaries called the Christian God 'Tianzhu (Cheonju in Sino-Korean),' meaning Lord of Heaven. Ricci identified the Confucian notion of 'Shangdi (Sangje in Sino-Korean),' meaning Supreme Emperor (or God) with Tianzhu. While translating Confucian scriptures, he found the common ground between Confucianism and Christianity to be the monotheism of ancient Confucianism. He criticized the concepts of God in Buddhism and Daoism, and justified the Christian doctrine of God by way of a Confucian understanding of deity. Ricci's understanding of humanity was based on his Christian faith in creation, and he criticized the Buddhist concept of transmigration. He proposed Christian ethics and doctrine of salvation by using discourse on the afterlife and in particular, the concepts of heaven and hell. Concerning the relationship between Daesoon Thought and Ricci, the following aspects should be examined: 1.) Ricci's contribution to the cultural exchanges between East and West, 2.) his peaceful approach to his mission based on dialogue and persuasion, 3.) the various activities conducted by Ricci as a Christian leader, and 4.) his belief in miraculous healings. His influence on Korea will likewise be explored. Ricci's ultimate aim was to communicate with Asian people and unify East and West under a singular worldview by emphasizing the similarities between the Christian and Confucian concepts of God.
Ever since gaining liberation in 1945, Korean society has constantly recalled memories of Japan's invasion and Korea's anti-Japanese movements for an independent state (AMIS). In the process, a small number of new religious groups were also identified as main subjects within AMIS. However, the logic necessary to connect these religious groups with AMIS was still weak. In order to solve this situation academically, the purpose of this article is to illuminate the activities of Mugeukdo (無極道) and Jo Jeongsan (趙鼎山) through the lens of AMIS and to reflect on the issues that will arise when linking the religion with AMIS. Regarding this purpose, this article analyzed the internal and external data collected by Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡眞理會) about Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo's activities linked to AMIS. Later, this paper presents several tasks for future research on this subject matter. Specifically, according to Chapter II, the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo were generally centered on resistance at the family level, Jo Jeongsan's order to participate in the March 1st Movement, and Mugeukdo's industrial activities. In Chapter III, I reviewed the contents of Chapter II using Daesoon Jinrihoe's external materials. According to the results of the review, future research is required to discover and cross-check materials related to the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo believers. Likewise, further research is needed to highlight the theory of the enthronement of emperor (天子登極說) and the Great Opening of the later world (後天開闢) in terms of AMIS. These efforts can make contributions that increase the credibility of Daesoon Jinrihoe's internal data on the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo and expand the periphery of AMIS as it relates to certain religious groups. Subsequently, in Chapter IV, I present three items for reflecting upon the connection between certain religious groups and AMIS. The first is that criteria for establishing the category of AMIS is necessary to determine whether religious activities can be included. Second, reductionist approaches make it difficult to explain the reasons why some of the people who participated in AMIS did so while forming 'new religious movements,' and why these groups have maintained their religious identity even after liberation was achieved in 1945. Third, it is necessary to distinguish between the primary and the secondary dimensions to elaborate on the connection between these religions and AMIS. This means that researchers should be expected to look at whether the activities in question are based on a religious worldview and whether the goal of the activities is the realization of AMIS or the implementation of some aspect of that religious worldview. In the future, considering the mechanisms that make AMIS memorable in Korea, religious groups and religious studies should take greater interest in discovering and accumulating data that facilitates research on these topics. At the same time, effort should be made to find the basis for AMIS within religious worldviews. It can also be made possible through specific interest in further elaboration on the various AMIS-related activities of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo.
Even before recorded history, the Korean people took ginseng. Later, poetry passed down from China developed into a literary style in which intellectuals from the Silla, Goryeo, and Joseon Dynasties expressed their thoughts concisely. The aim of this paper is to find Korean poems related to ginseng and to look for their semantic network. To this end, "Korea Classical DB ", produced by the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics, was searched to find ginseng poems. As the result of a search in November 2021, two poems from the Three Kingdoms Period, two poems from the Goryeo Dynasty, and 23 poems from the Joseon Dynasty were searched. An examination of these poems found that the first ginseng poem was "Goryeoinsamchan," which was sung by people in Goguryeo around the 6th century. Ginseng poetry during the Goryeo Dynasty is represented by Anchuk's poem. Anchuk sang about the harmful effects of ginseng tributes from a realistic point of view. Ginseng poetry in the Joseon Dynasty is represented by Seo Geo-jeong in the early period and Jeong Yakyong in the late period. Seo Geo-jeong's ginseng poem is a romantic poem that praises the mysterious pharmacological effects of ginseng. A poem called "Ginseng" by Yongjae Seonghyeon is also a romantic poem that praises the mysterious medicinal benefits of ginseng. As a scholar of Realist Confucianism, Dasan Jeong Yak-yong wrote very practical ginseng poems. Dasan left five ginseng poems, the largest number written by one poet. Dasan tried ginseng farming himself and emerged from the experience as a poet. The story of the failure and success of his ginseng farming was described in his poems. At that time, ginseng farming was widespread throughout the country due to the depletion of natural ginseng and the development of ginseng farming techniques after the reign of King Jeongjo. Since the early 19th century, ginseng farming had been prevalent on a large scale in the Gaeseong region, and small-scale farming had also been carried out in other regions. What is unusual is Kim Jin-soo's poem. At that time, in Tong Ren Tang, Beijing (the capital of the Qing Dynasty), ginseng from Joseon sold well under the "Songak Sansam" brand. Kim Jin-Soo wrote about this brand of ginseng in his poem. In 1900, Maecheon Hwanghyeon also created a ginseng poem, written in Chinese characters. Thus, the semantic network of Korean ginseng poems is identified as follows: 1) Ginseng poetry in the spirit of the people - Emerging gentry in the Goryeo Dynasty (Anchuk). 2) Romantic ginseng poetry - Government School in the early Joseon Dynasty (Seo Geo-jeong, Seonghyeon, etc.). 3) Practical ginseng poetry - Realist School in the late Joseon Dynasty (Jeong Yak-yong, Kim Jin-soo, Hwang Hyun, etc.). This semantic network was extracted while examining the development of Korean ginseng poems.
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