• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.34
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• pp.124-136
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• 2001

Among many different types of wares, we have amazing Sacred Water-pot(따르개, 注子) from Goryo-period(고리, 高麗, 918-1392). The stylistic peculiarity of Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁) is described in "Goryo-Dhogyoung, 고리도경, 高麗圖經", the classical design canon. It is said, "A sharpened mouth with narrow and prolonged neck is attached upon the broad mouth with thicker and even longer neck of the pot whose body intimates to the shape of melon." One could find this Jung-Byoung similar to the Indian drinking water jar, Kundika, which has been. even today, an everyday article in houses as well as in temples. In the early Buddhist cult, the object had been adopted as personal belonging of the Bodhisattvas(보살, 菩薩), especially of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara(관세음보살,觀世音菩薩). In short, the purifying character of water is met by the sacred ware to deliver the refreshing Sweet-Water(Holy-Water, 깨맑물, 단물, 단이슬물, 정수, 감로, 감로수, 성수, 淨水, 甘露, 甘露水, 聖水): For the holy purpose of fulfilling the thirst of people, of symbolozing the virtuous dharma. Thus, Ggamslkh-Byoung(깨맑병,淨水), the literal Korean name, denotes purifying and clarifying and clarifying water-pot to us. Among many other Asian countries, India, China, Korea, and Japan have a profound cult of the sacred water-pot(Ggamalkh-Byoung, Jung-Byoung, 깨맑병, 정병, 정수병, 감로병, 감로수병, 淨甁, 淨水甁, 甘露甁, 甘露水甁). Therefore, this charming holy object drew much attention not only from master artisans to shape and deliver them to people but also from painters and sculptors for their endowment of the sacred images dedicated to Buddha(부처,佛,佛陀). In China, the sacred water pot emerged in the period of Tang(당, 唐, 618~907)-Period and underwent much sophistication later on, I. e., from earthenware, ceramic-porcelain, bronze, and silver. However, the following represents a challenge to the well-known Goryo-Thangka(고리불화, 高麗佛畵) Painting of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to our speculation on the Sacred Water-pot(정병, 淨甁). The image suggests, when examined closely, that the Sacred Water-pot has been accompanied by, or placed in, a transparent glasswere(유리그릇) or crystalbowl(수정그릇)! We have no other physical proof of the existence of such a Holding-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤), except for in this particular painting. This Holding-Bowl would have not been a mere elaboration on the practicality of controling the drips from the mouth of the pot. As in the chapter on Tang-ho(탕호, 湯壺), or thermal bowl, in the "Goryo-Dhogyoung" it advises readers that this style of bowl is to be filled with hot water, and thus function as a preserver of heat in the water inside the pot. As an offering to the Buddha, the Sacred Water-pot could have been used for serving him hot tea. Hence the sacred bottle is to contain the refreshing water, the water transcends to nectar, and the nectar is prepared as a nectar tea to offer the Buddha. For both the Holding-Bowl of Ggamalkh-Byoung(Jung-Byoung)and the Celestial-Robe(날개옷, 天衣) of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whose specified character is the Water-Moon(수월, 水月) in this particular Thangka(불화, 佛畵) painting, the transparency is essential. This is to refer to the purity and the lucid clarity of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and at a deeper level, to refer to the world of Buddhas-the Tushita(Paradise, Heaven, Eden, 극락, 불세계, 極樂, 佛世界). Howerver, without the discovery of an actual Holding-Bowl, accompanied by a Sacred Water-pot, such speculation will necessarily remain hypothetical. Nevertheless, there is an abundance of evidence of our ancient craftsmanship in jade and ctystal, dating back to the Bronze Age(1000~2B.C.) in Korea. By the time of the Three Kingdom-Period(삼국시대, 三國時代, 57B.C.~935A.D.), and especially the Silla(신라, 新羅, 57B.C.~935A.D.)-Empire, the jade and crystal ornamentation had become very intricate indeed. By the Goryo-Period(918~1392) and Chosun-Period(조선, 朝鮮,1392~1910),crystal-ware and jade art were popular in houses and Buddhist temples, whose master artsanship was heightened in the numerous Sarira-Cases(사리그릇, 舍利器), containing relics and placed inside Stupas(탑, 투, 搭)! Therefore, discovering a tiny part of the crystal or jade Holding-Bowl for the Sacred Water-pot and casting full light on this subject, would not be totally impossible. Lastly the present article shares the tiny hope for a sudden emergence of such a Holding-Bowl.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.78-92
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• 2019

Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam had the most cultural exchange with Korea. Through Confusion and Chinese character, which were the common measure for two countries, Korea and Vietnam could communicate and share a sentiment with each other. Two countries showed an enormous interest in each other, and hence they could keep good relationship without official diplomatic relations. During the early 19th century, Korean Ginseng had gained tremendous popularity in Vietnam. Vietnamese believed the stamina of Minh Mang, who had 142 sons and daughters, originated from ginseng. Minh Mang bestowed ginseng on old courtiers for their contribution, which made them more loyal to the king. This tradition was inherited to the future generations, and soldiers who fought with Thai, Cambodia and France also received ginseng for their contribution. In other words, ginseng was the very important key for enforcement of patriotism. Due to the tradition, Korean ginseng has been considered as the premium ginseng in Vietnam. It is presumed that ginseng flew into Vietnam through 4 routes; 1) as an imperial gift from Chinese emperor, 2) by the Vietnamese ambassadors who went to Beijing for a tribute, 3) through private trade and 4) from Ryukyu or Japan, which were the hub of international trade. From 15th to 18th century, ambassadors from Chosun and Vietnam actively interacted in Beijing. Through their interchange, Vietnamese royal family could learn about the value of ginseng. The fact that there were many Shilhak scholars among the ambassadors from Joseon, such as Seo Geojeong and Seo Hosu who had profound knowledge of ginseng proves the theory. It is also possible that reputation of ginseng was already established in Vietnam during Silla period. Ko Byung, an bureaucrat from Tang Dynasty who ruled Vietnam for 10 years in middle 9th century and a friend of Choi Chiwon, might have delivered the knowledge of ginseng to the upper class in Vietnam. This hypothesis, however, should be proven by literatures. Hence, further research about the trace of Korean ginseng in Vietnamese history and literary works still remains to be done.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.11-27
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• 2019

The Jurchens, the ancestors of the Qing Manchus, had lived scattered in Manchuria and had made their living mostly on ginseng gathering and animal hunting. Their residential areas, rich with deep forest and numerous rivers, provided great habitation for all kinds of flora and fauna, but not so proper for agriculture. Based on their activities of foraging and hunting, the Jurchens developed a unique social organization that was later transformed into the Banner System, the most distinctive Qing military institution. By the sixteenth century, that the external trade brought considerable changes to Jurchen society. A huge amount of foreign silver, imported from Japan and South America to China, first invigorated commercial economy in China proper, and later caused a huge influence on Ming frontier regions, including Manchuria. In the late sixteenth century when the tradition of foraging and hunting encountered with silver economy, the Jurchen tribes became unified after years of competition and transformed themselves into the Manchus to build the Qing empire in 1636. In 1644 the Manchus succeeded in conquering the China Proper and moved into Beijing. Even after that, the Manchu imperial court never forgot the value of Manchurii ginseng; instead, they paid great efforts to monopolize this profitable root. Until the late seventeenth century, the Qing court used the Banner System to manage Manchurian ginseng. The banner soldiers stationed in Manchuria checked unauthorized civilian entrances in this frontier and protected its ginseng producing mountains from the Han Chinese people. All the process of ginseng gathering was managed by the institutions under the direct control of the imperial court, such as the Imperial Household Department, the Butha Ula Office, and the Three Upper Banner in Shengjing. Banner soldiers were dispatched to the given mountains, collect the given amount of ginseng, and send them to the imperial court in Beijing. The state monopoly of ginseng was maintained throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries under the principle that Manchuria and its natural resources should be guarded from civilian encroachment. At the same time, Manchurian ginseng was considered as an important source of state revenue. The imperial court and financial bureau wanted to collect ginseng as much as they needed. By the late seventeenth century as the ginseng management by the banner soldiers failed in securing the ginseng tax, the Qing court began to invite civil merchants to ginseng business. During the eighteenth century the Qing ginseng policy became more dependent on civil merchants, both their money and management. In 1853 the Qing finally ended the ginseng monopoly, but it was before the early eighteenth century that wealthy merchants hired ginseng gatherers and paid ginseng tax to the state. The Qing monopoly of ginseng was in fact maintained by the active participation of civil merchants in the ginseng business.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.377-410
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• 2009

In the East Asian Confucianism society, Hakmun was aimed to bring human beings and nature into harmony, and to explore a unity between knowledge and conducts. For example, Neo-Confucianism aspired they could explain the human existence and society through a single concept of Iki(理氣, the basic principles and the atmospheric force of nature). In this philosophy, humanics and natural sciences had not been differentiated at all. The East-West cultural interchanges at the beginning of modernity caused a crack in the traditional academic concepts. Through the Hundred Days of Reform(變法自疆運動, a movement of Strenuous Efforts through Reforming the Law), the Western Affairs Movement(洋務運動) in China, Meiji Restoration(明治維新) in Japan, or Innovation Movements(開化運動) and the Patriotic Enlightenment Movement(愛國啓蒙運動) in Korea, the traditional meanings of Hakmun was degraded while it became a target of the criticism of the enlightenment movements. Accordingly, East Asians' perception of Hakmun rapidly began to change. Although there had been the Silhak(實學, practical science) movement in Korea, which tried to differentiate its conceptualization of Hakmun from that of Neo-Confucianism during the 18th and 19th century, the fundamental shift in meaning occurred with the influx of the modern Western culture. This change converted the ultimate objective of Hakmun as well as its methods and substances. The separation of humanics and natural sciences, rise in dignity of the technological sciences, and subdivision of learning into disciplines and their specialization were accelerated during the Korean enlightenment period. The inflow of the modern western science, humanized thought, and empiricism functioned as mediators in these phase and they caused an irreversible crack in the traditional academic thoughts. Confronting the western mode of knowledge, however, the East Asian intellectuals had to explain their new learning by using traditional terms and concepts; modification was unavoidable when they tried to explain the newly imported knowledge and concepts. This presentation focuses on the traditional concepts of 'gyeogchi'(格致, extending knowledge by investigating things) and 'gungni'(窮理, investigation of principles), pervasively used in philosophy, physics and many other fields of study. These concepts will mark the key point with which to trace changes of knowledge and to understand the way how the concept of Hakmun was converted into a modern one.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.22-37
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• 2021

The wind chime is a longstanding Jangeomgu (majestic article) found in Korea, China, and Japan. However, basic research on wind chimes is currently inadequate as it is difficult to estimate the time of production, and there are few relics. Therefore, this research morphologically classifies the eight bronze wind chimes decorating the baldachin of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan. Based on this, the manufacturing techniques and production period are scientifically demonstrated. The synthesis of the research results reveals that the structure and characteristics of the wind chimes of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan differ depending on their location on the baldachin. The four large-sized wind chimes on the lower-baldachin were manufactured by casting a Cu-Sn-Pb alloy, and they are estimated to have been made during the early period of Goryeo. The two medium-sized wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northern direction were manufactured through forging a Cu-Sn or Cu-Sn-Pb alloy, and they appear to have a similar structure to the cylindrical wind chimes appearing during the latter period of Goryeo and the Joseon period. The two small-sized wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's southern direction were manufactured by casting a Cu-Sn-Pb alloy containing Zn, and based on the chemical composition of the alloy and the shape of the clapper, they are estimated to have been manufactured during the latter period of Joseon. Through the observation of microstructures and a chemical composition analysis, it is demonstrated that two wind chimes of the lowerbaldachin were manufactured by casting and slow cooling the alloy with an alloy ratio of Cu:Sn:Pb≒80:15:5. In addition, it is estimated that the wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northeast direction were manufactured by forging an alloy of Cu-Sn with a similar alloy ratio to that of forged high tin bronze. The results of a comparative analysis of prior research on domestic wind chimes confirm that two wind chimes of the lower-baldachin have a similar composition ratio to the wind chime excavated from Wolnamsaji in Gangjin, containing an amount of tin that corresponds with ancient records. Having a similar alloy ratio to forged high tin bronze, the wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northeast direction are the only instances among all of the wind chimes that have been examined to date that were manufactured using this forging method. The purpose of this research is to collect baseline data to verify and classify the manufacturing period of wind chimes according to their morphological characteristics based on scientific evidence. It is hoped that this data can be utilized for the restoration and conservation processes of the wind chimes of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.3
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• pp.54-73
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• 2021

The Natural Products Research Institute (NPRI, 生藥硏究所), an institution affiliated with Keijo Imperial University (京城帝國大學), was the predecessor of the NPRI at Seoul National University and a comprehensive research institute that focused on ginseng research during the Japanese colonial era. It was established under the leadership of Noriyuki Sugihara (杉原德行), a professor of the second lecture in pharmacology at the College of Medicine in Keijo Imperial University. Prof. Sugihara concentrated on studying Korean ginseng and herbal medicine beginning in 1926 when the second lecture of pharmacology was established. In addition to Prof. Sugihara, who majored in medicine and pharmacology, Kaku Tenmin (加來天民), an assistant professor who majored in pharmacy; Tsutomu Ishidoya (石戶谷勉), a lecturer who majored in agriculture and forestry; and about 36 researchers actively worked in the laboratory before the establishment of the NPRI in 1939. Among these personnel, approximately 14 Korean researchers had basic medical knowledge, derived mostly from specialized schools, such as medical, dental, and pharmaceutical institutions. As part of the initiative to explore the medicinal herbs of Joseon, the number of Korean researchers increased beginning in 1930. This increase started with Min Byung-Ki (閔丙祺) and Kim Ha-sik (金夏植). The second lecture of pharmacology presented various research results in areas covering medicinal plants in Joseon as well as pharmacological actions and component analyses of herbal medicines. It also conducted joint research with variousinstitutions. Meanwhile, in Gaesong (開城), the largest ginseng-producing area in Korea, the plan for the Pharmaceutical Industry Complex was established in 1935. This was a large-scale project aimed at generating profits through research on and the mass production of drugs and the reformation of the ginseng industry under collaboration among the Gaesong Ministry, Kwandong (關東) military forces, Keijo Imperial University, and private organizations. In 1936 and 1938, the Gyeonggi Provincial Medicinal Plant Research Institute (京畿道立 藥用植物硏究所) and the Herb Garden of Keijo Imperial University (京城帝國大學 藥草園) and Pharmaceutical Factory were established, respectively. These institutions merged to become Keijo Imperial University's NPRI, which wasthen overseen by Prof. Sugihara as director. Aside from conducting pharmacological research on ginseng, the NPRI devoted efforts to the development and sale of ginseng-based drugs, such as Sunryosam (鮮麗蔘), and the cultivation of ginseng. In 1941, the Jeju Urban Test Center (濟州島試驗場) was established, and an insecticide called Pancy (パンシ) was produced using Jeju-do medicinal herbs. However, even before research results were published in earnest, Japanese researchers, including Prof. Sugihara, hurriedly returned to Japan in 1945 because of the surrender of Japanese forces and the liberation of Korea. The NPRI was handed over to Seoul National University and led by Prof. Oh Jin-Sup (吳鎭燮), a former medical student at Keijo Imperial University. Scholars such as Woo Lin-Keun (禹麟根) and Seok Joo-Myung (石宙明) worked diligently to deal with the Korean pharmaceutical industry.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.54 no.6
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• pp.644-663
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• 2021

Purpose: This study was conducted to evaluate the safety of iodine intake based on ingestion levels and urinary iodine excretion of women of childbearing age (15-45 years old) using data from the 2013-2015 Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. Methods: Iodine intake was calculated using the 24 hours dietary recall method and urinary iodine excretion. The iodine nutrition database for the analysis of dietary iodine intake was constructed using the food composition database of the Rural Development Administration (RDA), the Korean Nutrition Society (KNS), the Ministries of Food and Drug Safety, China and, Japan. The World Health Organization (WHO) evaluation criteria and hazard quotient (HQ) calculated using biomonitoring equivalents (BE) were applied to evaluate the safety of the iodine intake. Results: Of the study subjects, 15.22% had a urinary iodine concentration level of less than 100 ㎍/L, which was diagnosed as deficient, and 48.16% had an excessive iodine concentration of over 300 ㎍/L. Urinary iodine concentration was 878.71 ㎍/L, iodine/creatinine was 589.00 ㎍/g, and iodine/creatinine was significantly higher at the age of 30-45 years. The dietary iodine intake was 273.47 ㎍/day, and the iodine intake calculated from the urinary iodine excretion was 1,198.10 ㎍/day. Foods with a high contribution to iodine intake were vegetables, seafood, seaweed and processed foods. The HQ was 1.665 when the urinary iodine content was > 1,000 ㎍/L. Conclusion: The results of this study implicate that the urinary iodine concentration, rather than the dietary iodine intake, is more appropriate to evaluate the iodine status under the current situation that a comprehensive iodine database for Koreans has not been established.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.39-71
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• 2020

Ever since gaining liberation in 1945, Korean society has constantly recalled memories of Japan's invasion and Korea's anti-Japanese movements for an independent state (AMIS). In the process, a small number of new religious groups were also identified as main subjects within AMIS. However, the logic necessary to connect these religious groups with AMIS was still weak. In order to solve this situation academically, the purpose of this article is to illuminate the activities of Mugeukdo (無極道) and Jo Jeongsan (趙鼎山) through the lens of AMIS and to reflect on the issues that will arise when linking the religion with AMIS. Regarding this purpose, this article analyzed the internal and external data collected by Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡眞理會) about Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo's activities linked to AMIS. Later, this paper presents several tasks for future research on this subject matter. Specifically, according to Chapter II, the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo were generally centered on resistance at the family level, Jo Jeongsan's order to participate in the March 1st Movement, and Mugeukdo's industrial activities. In Chapter III, I reviewed the contents of Chapter II using Daesoon Jinrihoe's external materials. According to the results of the review, future research is required to discover and cross-check materials related to the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo believers. Likewise, further research is needed to highlight the theory of the enthronement of emperor (天子登極說) and the Great Opening of the later world (後天開闢) in terms of AMIS. These efforts can make contributions that increase the credibility of Daesoon Jinrihoe's internal data on the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo and expand the periphery of AMIS as it relates to certain religious groups. Subsequently, in Chapter IV, I present three items for reflecting upon the connection between certain religious groups and AMIS. The first is that criteria for establishing the category of AMIS is necessary to determine whether religious activities can be included. Second, reductionist approaches make it difficult to explain the reasons why some of the people who participated in AMIS did so while forming 'new religious movements,' and why these groups have maintained their religious identity even after liberation was achieved in 1945. Third, it is necessary to distinguish between the primary and the secondary dimensions to elaborate on the connection between these religions and AMIS. This means that researchers should be expected to look at whether the activities in question are based on a religious worldview and whether the goal of the activities is the realization of AMIS or the implementation of some aspect of that religious worldview. In the future, considering the mechanisms that make AMIS memorable in Korea, religious groups and religious studies should take greater interest in discovering and accumulating data that facilitates research on these topics. At the same time, effort should be made to find the basis for AMIS within religious worldviews. It can also be made possible through specific interest in further elaboration on the various AMIS-related activities of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.105-131
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• 2022

Even after the improvement in 2019, UNCTAD's Liner Shipping Connectivity Index (LSCI), which evaluates the performance of the global container port market, has limited use. In particular, since the liner shipping connectivity index evaluates the performance based only on the distance of the relationship, the performance index combining the port attractiveness of calling would be more efficient. This study used the modified Huff model, the hub-authority algorithm and the eigenvector centrality of social network analysis, and correlation analysis for 2007, 2017, and 2019 data of Ocean-Commerce, Japan. The findings are as follows: Firstly, the port attractiveness of calling and the overall performance of the port did not always match. However, according to the analysis of the attractiveness of a port calling, Busan remained within the top 10. Still, the attractiveness among other Korean ports improved slowly from the low level during the study period. Secondly, Global container ports are generally specialized for long-term specialized inbound and outbound ports by the route and grow while maintaining professionalism throughout the entire period. The Korean ports continue to change roles from analysis period to period. Lastly, the volume of cargo by period and the extended port connectivity index (EPCI) presented in this study showed a correlation from 0.77 to 0.85. Even though the Atlantic data is excluded from the analysis and the ship's operable capacity is used instead of the port throughput volume, it shows a high correlation. The study result would help evaluate and analyze global ports. According to the study, Korean ports need a long-term strategy to improve performance while maintaining professionalism. In order to maintain and develop the port's desirable role, it is necessary to utilize cooperation and partnerships with the complimentary port and attract shipping companies' services calling to the complementary port. Although this study carried out a complex analysis using a lot of data and methodologies for an extended period, it is necessary to conduct a study covering ports around the world, a long-term panel analysis, and a scientific parameter estimation study of the attractiveness analysis.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.82-110
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• 2021

This study specifically examined the date of the black glazed bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)" of Jian ware, one of the key research topics related to the bowls. The results of this study can be summarized as follows. Jian Kiln produced various shapes of black glazed bowls, but almost all of the inscriptions of "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)" are found only in two certain type bowls: Type I, the Shukou type bowls (束口碗), or Type II, the Piekou type bowls (撇口碗). Of these, there are significantly more of the former in existence. For Type I bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)", the mouth of the bowls is slightly evaginated outwards, and the inclination angle of the side slope is about 50°. The shape feature, Shukou (束口) is formed which is slightly indented around the bowl about 0.3~0.5cm below the mouth of bowl. And the height of the bowls is relatively low compared to other Type I black glazed bowls produced by Jian Kiln, so the height divided by the diameter is 0.5 or less. There is little difference in shape between the black glazed bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御) and those with "Jinzhan (進琖)". However, taking into consideration the excavation situation of both type bowls, the former is considered to be ahead of the latter in terms of production date. On the other hand, the black glazed bowls of Jian ware, which have the same shape features as the Type I bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)" have not been found in the tombs dating from the end of the 12th to the beginning of the 13th century from which typical Jian kiln black glazed bowls of the same type were excavated. For the Hakata site (博多遺址) in Japan, the black glazed bowls with such a shape feature were excavated from early 12th century sites, rather than from the late 12th to early 13th century sites at which the typical black glazed bowls of Jian kiln were found. Considering that the black glazed bowls from Fujian province were imported into Hakata with almost no time gap, it is very unlikely that the production time of Type I black glazed bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)" will deviate from the early 12th century. In conclusion, it is considered that the black glazed bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)" of Jian ware were produced in the early 12th century.