• Korean Journal of Community Nutrition
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.111-121
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• 2005

This study was to performed to assess social factors and physical health status. The subjects of the study were 103 elderly people of age over 85 years living in Ganghwa-gun area. The method of this research was based on the interview-survey with questionnaire. Chi-square test was the main data analysis method. The subject group was composed of 36 males and 67 females, the average age being 91.0 $\pm$ 3.2 years old for the males and 91.1 $\pm$ 3.4 years old for the females. The aged average height and weight were 161.0 $\pm$ 7.9 cm and 54.6 $\pm$ 7.8 kg in males, 141.0 $\pm$ 8.2 cm and 42.2 $\pm$ 7.9 kg in females which were lower than the Korean average standard but the mean BMIs of both male and female showed normal range. Their level of education was lower and they tended to be religious. The aged population might be economically poor. Their level of living standards tended to have been lower-middle and lower class. The mean age of their parents' death were 64.3 $\pm$ 17.2 years in males, 59.0 $\pm$ 14.9 years in females for the father and 70.9 $\pm$ 15.5 years in males, 66.8 $\pm$ 16.6 years in females for the mother. The rate of living together with their family or spouse in the female aged was $83.2\%$ higher than in the male aged. They tended to have engaged in hobbies that require less movement. Of the kinds of hobby, 'TV watching ($47.8\%$ in male and $44.9\%$ in female) was the highest. Ratios of the drinking and the smoking elderly were $30.6\%$, $25.0\%$ in male and $7.5\%$, $18.8\%$ in female but they tended to have never drunken and smoked. Of the subjects, $42.9\%$ spend 8$\~$9 hours for sleeping in male and $35.8\%$ spend 10 hours for sleeping in female. They tended to have not done any particular health behavior. The most common diseases were digestive disease in male, arthritis and hypertension in female. Most elderly males ($47.3\%$) and females ($61.2\%$) had 1$\~$2 diseases.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.18-26
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• 1978

Enterobius vermicularis (pinworm) infestation in present day Korea has become one of nationwide problems. But, the incidence of pinworm infestation having been reported by many workers was almostly the data for specific groups. The incidence of pinworm infestation for 208 families of 760(male; 30, female;420) middle class inhabitant of Seoul, 238 subrural inhabitants in Gyeonggi Province and 150(male;77, female;73) rural primary students in three different districts were examined by modified Gralam's scotch-tape swab method. The results are summarized as follows; 1. The incidence of nationwide infestation a. The nationwide incidence of pinworm infestation of the 1,148 specimens examined was 28.7% (male; 27.5%, female; 29.6%). b. The highest incidence was found among 5-14 years of age. c. In comparison of the incidence by the area, the highest incidence was found among subrural area, next among rural area and the lowest among urban area. 2, Urban area a. The incidence of the 760 inhabitants examined was 23.2% (male; 24.1%, female; 22. 3%). b. The incidence of the parents group was 12.2% and children group was 30. 30.3%. c. In the parents who hold one or more pinworm poitive cases among children, the incidence of father group was 13.2% and mother group was 29.7%.3. Subrural area a. The incidence of the 238 inhabitants examined was 42.9% (male, 40.8%, female; 44.4%). b. The cumulative positive rate of anal swabs showed increasing tendency. c. Worm collection rates after chemotherapy of 98 inhabitants were 54, 0%. d. In scotch tape anal swab only one times, diagnostic value was 74.0%. e. Mother group infested with pinworm seemed to play an important role for the high incidence in individual family. f. In comparison of the incidence by the examination method, the highest incidence was found among scotch tape method. 4. Rural area The incidence of the 150 primary students examined was 34. 5% (male ; 24. 7%, female; 43.8%).

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.127-146
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• 2007

From 1876 to 1883, British mathematician James Joseph Sylvester worked as the founding head of Mathematics Department at the Johns Hopkins University which has been known as America's first school of mathematical research. Sylvester established the American Journal of Mathematics, the first sustained mathematics research journal in the United States. It is natural that we think this is the most exciting and important period in American mathematics. But we found out that the International Congress of Mathematicians held at the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago, August 21-26, 1893 was the real turning point in American's dedication to mathematical research. The University of Chicago was founded in 1890 by the American Baptist Education Society and John D. Rockefeller. The founding head of mathematics department Eliakim Hastings Moore was the one who produced many excellent American mathematics Ph.D's in early stage. Many of Moore's students contributed to build up real American mathematics research power in early 20 century The University also has a well-deserved reputation as the "teacher of teachers". Beginning with Sylvester, we analyze what E.H. Moore had done as a teacher and a head of the new department that produced many mathematical talents such as L.E. Dickson(1896), H. Slaught(1898), O. Veblen(1903), R.L. Moore(1905), G.D. Birkhoff(1907), T.H. Hilderbrants(1910), E.W. Chittenden(1912) who made the history of American mathematics. In this article, we study how Moore's vision, new system and new way of teaching influenced American mathematical society at early stage of the top class mathematical research. and the meaning that early University of Chicago case gave.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.391-400
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• 2005

Objective : This study examined the socioeconomic differentials for the health and health related behaviors among South Korean middle school students. Methods : A nationwide cross-sectional interview survey of 3,449 middle school second-grade students and their parents was conducted using a stratified multi-stage cluster sampling method. The response rate was 93.3%. The socioeconomic position indicators were based on self-reported information from the students and their parents: parental education, father's occupational class, monthly family income, out-of-pocket expenditure for education, housing ownership, educational expectations, educational performance and the perceived economic hardships. The outcome variables that were measured were also based on the self-reported information from the students. The health measures included self-rated health conditions, psychological or mental problems, the feelings of loneliness at school, the overall satisfaction of life and the perceived level of stress. The health related behaviors included were smoking, alcohol drinking, sexual intercourse, violence, bullying and verbal and physical abuse by parents. Results : Socioeconomic differences for the health and health related behaviors were found among the eighth grade boys and girls of South Korea. However, the pattern varied with gender, the socioeconomic position indicators and the outcome measures. The prevalence rates of the overall dissatisfaction with life for both genders differed according to most of the eight socioeconomic position indicators. All the health measures were significantly different according to the perceived economic hardship. However, the socioeconomic differences in the self-rated health conditions and the psychosocial or mental problems were not clear. The students having higher socioeconomic position tended to be a perpetrator of bullying while those students with lower socioeconomic position were more likely to be a victim. Conclusions : The perceived economic hardships predicted the health status among the eighth graders of South Korea. The overall satisfaction of life was associated with the socioeconomic position indicators. Further research efforts are needed to explore the mechanisms on how and why the socioeconomic position affects the health and health related behaviors in this age group.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.99-123
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• 2017

We analyzed the movie (2016/ directed by J-yong E), which is entangled in politics of gender, age, class, or sexuality, naming as "spaces of Others", using the concepts of heterotopia of Foucault. Foucault addressed three types of spaces: the realistic space where we currently live, the unrealistic and non-existent utopia, and heterotopia, which functions antithetically to reality. Thus, Foucault's heterotopia can be considered to indicate "heterogeneous spaces" in reality. The Bacchus Lady revolves a 65-year old prostitute So-Young, sells her body to old men at the parks in downtown of Seoul. Old prostitute on streets are often referred as "Bacchus Ladies", because suggest the popular energy drink a bottle of Bacchus while selling sex. The movie represents some minorities such as transgender, Tina and madam of the club, G-spot, migrant women like Camila and Aindu, and a amputee, Dohoon. Through these people's bodies, the problems such as imperials, nations, ethnics, gender, age, class are entangled in the movie. The politics of these points work and construct heterotopias in four spaces of Others. First, the spaces which ageing and death are intersected. Second, the spaces of So-Young for prostitutes, Third, the spaces of So-Young's mothering: she adopted her baby to American when he was a infant, so she have felt guilty. Fourth, the spaces for So-young's quasi-family with Minho, a Kopian boy who was abandoned by Korean father, Dohoon, who is a poor amputee, and Tina, who is a transgender singer. Fifth, the spaces of speech of So-Young as the subaltern: the subaltern does not have the language to express its own experiences. In order to listen to the words of subaltern, we must do the task of measuring the silence. This cinematic representation of So-young as the subaltern makes her speak about her situation. Finally, the spaces constructed by the movie can be connected 'heterotopia of crisis', 'heterotopia of deviation' and 'heterotopia of fantasy'. The spaces of the movie represents lives of Others, nevertheless, So-Young's Otherness through spaces of heterotopia was transformed to an absolute Other by patriarchal traits of cinematic narrative.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.21-36
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• 2012

The purpose of this study was to determine the direction of dietary education in school. A questionnaire that identified nutrition knowledge, dietary behavior, help degree to real-life of dietary education, and dietary education satisfaction were developed based on a review of the literature. The subjects consisted of 409 high school female students in Daegu and Gyeongbuk area. The total mean score of nutrition knowledge was 9.2/15.0. The score of nutrition knowledge was correlated with school type, grade, number of brothers and sisters, and school record(p<0.05). The dietary behavior was 3.30/5.00, showing difference from school type, father's occupation, and economic level(p<0.05). It was also found that the higher the score in nutrition knowledge, the higher the score in dietary behavior(p<0.001). The total mean score of the dietary education satisfaction and help degree to real-life of dietary education for high school female students were same as 3.39/5.00. The biggest reason of unsatisfaction on dietary education was lack of class time. The form of instruction they want to get was the class for experiment and practice. The score of the dietary education satisfaction was correlated with help degree to real-life of dietary education, nutrition knowledge, and dietary behavior(p<0.01). Therefore, more active dietary education should be give to high school female students to meet the intellectual need and successful dietary behavior. Also dietary education would be needed to relate with their home.

• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.145-157
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• 1999

This study was performed by the children and adolescents who were abused or neglected physically, emotionally that were selected in child & adolescents psychiatric ward. We investigated the number of these case in admitted children & adolescents, and also observed characteristics of symptoms, developmental history, characteristics of abuse style, characteristics of abusers, family dynamics and psychopathology. We hypothesized that all kinds of abuse will influnced to emotional, behavioral problems, developmental courses on victims, interactive effects on family dynamics and psychopathology. That subjects were 22 persons of victims who be determined by clinical observation and clinical note. The results of the study were as follows：1) Demographic characteristics of victims：ratio of sex was 1：6.3(male：female), mean age was $11.1{\pm}2.5$. According to birth order, lst was 12(54.5%), 2nd was 5(23%), 3rd was 2(9%) and only child was 3(13.5%). 2) Characteristics of family：According to socioeconomic status, middle to high class was 3(13.5%), middle one was 9(41.% ), middle to low one was 9(41%), low one was 1(0.5%). according to number of family, under the 3 person was 3(13.5%), 4-5 was 17(77.5%), 6-7 was 2(9%). according to marital status of parents, divorce or seperation were 5(23%), remarriage 2(9%), severe marital discord was 19(86.5%). In father, antisocial behavior was 7(32%), alcohol dependence was 10(45.5%). In mother, alcohol abuse was 5(23%), depression was 17(77.3%), history of psychiatric management was 6(27%). 3) Characteristics of abuse：Physical abuse was 18(81.8%), physical and emotional abuse and neglect were 4(18.2%). according to onset of abuse, before 3 years was 15(54.5%), 3-6 years was 5(27.5%), schooler was 1(15%). Only father offender was 2(19%), only mother offender was 8(35.4%), both offender was 8(35.4%), accompaning with spouse abuse was 7(27%), and accompaning with other sibling abuse was 4(18.2%). 4) General characteristics and developmental history of victims：Unwanted baby was 12(54.5%), developmental delay before abuse was9(41%), comorbid developmental disorder was 15(68%). there were 6(27.5%) who didn‘t show definite sign of developmental delay before abuse. 5) Main diagnosis and comorbid diagnosis：According to main diagnosis, conduct disorder 6(27.3%), borderline child 5(23%), depression4(18%), attention deficit hyperactivity disorder(ADHD) 4(18%), pervasive developmental disorder not otherwise specified 2(9%), selective mutism 1(5%). According to comorbid diagnosis, ADHD, borderline intelligence, mental retardation, learning disorder, developmental language disorder, oppositional defiant disorder, chronic tic disorder, functional enuresis and encoporesis, anxiety disorder, dissociative disorder, personality disorder due to medical condition. 5) Course of treatment：A mean duration of admission was $2.4{\pm}1.5$ months. 11(15%) showed improvement of symtoms, however 11(50%) was not changed of symtoms.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.123
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• pp.137-185
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• 2018

This article aims to deconstruct the mechanism of male domination that constantly reproduces the hegemonic class of men. In order to overcome misogyny, we should no longer deny the ontological dimension of the reality of women's oppressions and the pre-eminence of the material condition of women's existence. In addition, the possibility of the category of women as a modality of resistance should be taken into consideration. First, I will highlight the correlation between penis and phallus according to which the phallus refers to the penis which is malleable and fragile and which disappears without being castrated by the external factor. From here we could deduce the fragility and imperfection, the non-absoluteness of the phallic order. Secondly, I will analyze the mechanism of penis-narcissism, which is the modality of the constitution of the individual identity of man. The penis is not only a physiological organ, but a site of self-estimation and the validity of the succession of power and authority of the father's law. With this penis-narcissism, man is constituted as a hegemonic body that can let itself go without worrying about the reactions of others. Thirdly, I will focus on the mechanism of the penis-cartel which is the modality of the formation of the collective identity. The penis-cartel is reinforced by the mutual affirmation of the superiority of men among themselves, but also by the permission and the tacit agreement of their absurdity and lack of rationality and corruption. Because the privilege of men is not monopolized by a small part of the elite, but is consciously and unconsciously shared by all men who are part of the hegemonic and collective category. In order to deconstruct the penis-narcissism and the penis-cartel, it is necessary to demonstrate that the penis is not a self-sufficient body, nor a closed and impermeable body, but that it is a porous body where the organ serves both ejaculation and urinary ejection. The penis is a porous body that is at once the site of sublimity and degradation, purity and impurity. In addition, the penis is no longer an all-powerful and aggressive organ, but it is a malleable and fluid flesh that constantly changes its shape. Linked to a phallus-organ that is the notion of Jacques-Alain Miller, it is a site of deficiency and vulnerability that is not the axis of the penis-cartel. It is through the notion of the double porosity of the penis and the phenomenology of the flesh of the penis, I try to provide the modality of undoing the reproductive mechanism of predatory masculinity. Because this would be an effective strategy to overcome misogyny.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.