• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.123-136
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• 2021

Teddy bear is a typical rag doll which has been loved by people all over the world for more than 100 years based on its cute and friendly image. In addition, as it has been together for a long time with us, it is considered as a friend of people with memories of all ages and sexes, not just animal doll. Teddy bear has been developing its appearance and character continually playing a role as the symbol of society and issues of an era beyond toys, however it still remains in the image of stuffed toys. Therefore, more advanced teddy bear characters should be created in line with the current environment and market conditions that are undergoing major changes based on the Internet and smart phones. Thus, the concept of the character and the recent development of the market were reflected and the meaning and current image of teddy bears were analyzed to develop new teddy bear stories, worldviews, and characters through design process. And it was created 3D characters, videos, and SNS channels through the developed 3D character design and motion design. Furthermore, we want to take a look at the direction in which Korea's character business can develop in accordance with global changes and suggest the possibility of entering as a character powerhouse.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.225-260
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• 2012

The poetry of Haseo Jo Gyeong is first characterized by its fantasy content with mysterious and strange beings such as mountain wizards, gods of flowers, ghosts, Jujos and dragons. Such works imply the huge gap between his political ideal of Neo-Confucianism and the reality of society and are expressions of his resulting sorrow. Of course, he did not just look at reality pessimistically. Like other Neo-Confucianism scholars, he used the symbol of "spring" in his poems, which indicates that he did have optimistic belief in the world in spite of despair. In his poems, the symbol of "spring" implies the political world where the noble man grabbed the power and the sinister groups were extracted or the world where the political ethics of Neo-Confucianism was implemented. His works depicting the essence of natural objects, mountains, and rivers exhibit the characteristics of his poetry more clearly. He described the law of the universe behind natural objects and the vibrant aspects of natural objects by depicting their movements in a clear and sharp manner. Unlike the old Neo-Confucianism scholars that often created poems on the topic of acquirement of natural law and nature, he expanded his poetic world in a direction of revealing the secrets of objects. His works describing the spirit of mountains and rivers are especially noteworthy in that they implied a life attitude of moving forward in an deteriorating world bravely by manifesting strong and dynamic power. Paying attention to the secrets of natural objects, Haseo displayed his life ideal in richer ways by painting the new forms of ume flowers. Unlike the old ume flowers poems in the past, his ume flowers poems present ume flowers as ascetics that obtained truth, men of virtue that inspired contemporary people, or retired gentlemen that revealed the profound secrets of nature. While it is unique that he manifested the forms of ume flowers in ascetics and men of virtue while perceiving the dark reality of society, it is more noteworthy that he described ume flowers as the beings revealing the profound secrets of nature. It was the expression of his yearning for an innocent personality and his fear for losing the personality, clearly depicting a human form of his ego. He created a more human and realistic personality ideal by embracing the contemporary thinking based on the profound secrets of nature in his Dohak poetry[道學詩], which is a significant achievement in that it showed new changes to Dohak poetry in the 18th century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.563-592
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• 2017

This paper is to examine philosophy of Jurye(周禮, national rituals) described on GyeongJeMunGam and GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip. As it is widely known, Sambong Jeong Do-Jeon (三峯 鄭道傳), regardless of evaluation by posterity, is definitely a figure who established 500 years of Joseon with almost everything handled by his own hands from presenting founding principle of Joseon to organizing the bureaucratic system. In the third year of King Taejo (1394) with Jurye as an ideological model for social innovation, Jeong Do-Jeon wrote Joseongyeonggukjeon and offered it to the king. Joseongyeonggukjeon is a sort of guide for new codes written by Jeong Do-Jeon as a part of defining culture and institutions of the new dynasty, which is based on Confucianism, the ruling idea of the new dynasty. GyeongJeMunGam supplements the section ChiJeon(治典: Articles for Governing) of JoSeonGyeongGukJeon(the first constitution of Joseon Dynasty) mainly to specify the duties and jobs of the prime minister; and also the duties and jobs of the highest secretaries of the kings, and provincial and county governors, whereas GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip consists of the section GunDo specifying the duties and jobs of the kings and the section Euiron additionally explaining about the kings' duties and jobs in the viewpoint of the philosophy of the Book of Change. That is, GyeongJeMunGam finely describes not only the changes, advantages and disadvantages of prime minister system of every dynasty of China and Korea but also the prime minister's duties/jobs and attitude for kings; and it also specifies the duties and jobs of the kings' highest secretaries, guards, provincial and county governors; on the other hand, GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip says that the king should play the symbolic figure setting their mind in right ways and train themselves with virtue through the idea of GunJuSuShin (君主修身: ) to point out a good and capable prime minister and make him govern the country without using their power fully.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.33-62
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• 2005

This study aims to explain the current upheaval in marriage that many young Korean men and women postpone or deny their marriage. In order to explain the delayed marriage, we need to understand the taste by which men and women choose their partners, the opportunity by which they find their ideational half in reality, and the context in which these values and opportunities of marriages intersect. This study examines the way in which the value and opportunities of marriage among Korean men and women have intersected differently in the changing economic conditions. Using KLIPS(Korea Labor Income Panel Survey, 1998-2002), differential effects of education and occupational status on marital time according to marriage cohort and gender are analyzed. Results find that the opportunity of marriage among men turns out to have been stratified significantly according to their educational achievement and labor status since the 1990s. For women, education and economic activities are likely to influence marriage decision in a discordant way; during the period of 1990-997, highly educated women are more likely than their counterparts to be married earlier while there is no significant difference according to economic activities. This implies that status homogamy has been intensified since the 1990s and many women with high motivation for social status are able to achieve a vicarious social status through marriage in a prosperous economy. For women married after 1998, however, the educational effect is insignificant but economic activity contributes to delaying marriage. This suggests that under the economic restructuring since the late 1990s, the constraint of opportunities finding decent jobs particularly for men results in the contingent change in women's perception about family roles and economic activities by reducing their expectation to achieve a vicarious status through marriage, but increasing their motive for their own economic activities.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.5
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• pp.713-737
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• 2016

This study is to review research issues on North Korea and unified territory in terms of topics and approach method in Korean human geography. The conclusion of this paper is as follows. Before 1980's, topics on political geography, such as geopolitics or unified land, were the main stream in research. In 1990's with the end of the cold war and the access to material which was published in North Korea, scope of research was widened especially in geography education. After 2000's with the expansion of cooperation between South and North Korea, the scope of topics were more expanded in all field of human geography, for example, critical geopolitic in political geography, Gaeseong Industrial Complex, Najin-Seonbong region in economic geography, place names, Geumgangsan, North Korean defectors in social and cultural geography. The approach method of toward North Korea is fall into two categories. One is regional geography and the other is the unified land. In the latter approach, topics on the regional structure after reunification or on the life adaptation of defectors in South Korea etc. were studied. After unification of land, new Korean Studiea will be established and human geographers should make ready for this. Before unification, research on the land in north Korea should be proceeded in terms of historical geography.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.21
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• pp.157-195
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• 2013

대순진리회는 '구천응원뇌성보화천존강성상제(이하 '구천상제')'를 주신(主神)으로 신앙하는 종교단체이다. 그렇다면 대순진리회의 '구천상제'와 중국 도교에서 모셔지는 '구천응원뇌성보화천존'(이하 '보화천존')은 어떤 연관성이 있는 것인가? 이런 질문을 토대로 본 글에서는 이 신들의 기원과 칭호, 도세법문(度世法門 : 세상을 제도하고자 펼친 법도) 등의 관점에서 그 차이점과 공통점을 하나씩 비교해 보았다. 먼저 기원이라는 측면에서 '구천상제'와 '보화천존'을 비교해보면, '구천상제'는 천지인 삼계의 최고신으로서 강씨 가문을 선택하여 인간의 육신으로 태어났다. 강씨 성은 상고 신농씨에서 시작되었는데, 고대 문헌에 근거하면 신농씨는 태양신, 남쪽, 불(火) 등으로 상징화된다. 이런 상징들은 '구천상제'가 인간으로 태어날 때 나타난 "하늘이 남북으로 갈라지다", "큰 불덩이가 몸을 덮치다", "천지가 밝아지는도다" 등의 현상들에서 찾아볼 수 있다. 도교의 '보화천존'은 뇌신의 특징을 가지면서 일신(日神), 월신(月神)과 관계를 맺고 있는데, 이런 면들은 신농씨로부터 분석한 '구천상제'의 신적 기원과 일치하고 있다. 또한 도교에서는 신농씨가 다스리던 세상을 중국 상고시대의 가장 이상적인 사회형태로 보고 있는데, 이것을 '구천상제'가 건설하려는 후천선경과 연관 지어 생각해보면 '구천상제'가 신농씨의 후손인 강씨 종가에서 태어난 배경을 이해할 수 있다. 도교의 '보화천존' 역시 중생의 이익을 도모하고, 조화로운 인간세상을 만드는 것을 목표로 삼고 있으며, 이것은 대순진리회 '구천상제'가 행한 대순의 목적과 거의 비슷하다고 볼 수 있다. 다음으로 '구천상제'와 '보화천존'은 칭호에서도 공통점과 차이점을 살펴볼 수 있다. 단적으로 말하자면, '구천상제'에는 '보화천존'에 비해 '강성상제'라는 칭호가 추가되어 있다는 것이다. 또한 도교에서는 '보화천존'을 최고신으로 모시지 않으며, '구천상제' 신앙에서는 '보화천존' 신앙에서와 달리 뇌신과의 관계에 대한 설명을 찾아볼 수 없다. 마지막으로 '구천상제'와 '보화천존'의 도세법문을 비교해보면 첫째, 구천상제는 세상이 혼란, 불공평, 죄악에 빠졌기에 육신으로 인간 세상에 강림한 후 대순진리를 선포하였다. 이와 유사하게 보화천존도 천하와 인간세상을 순시하여 죄악과 겁액을 없앤다는 '순시천하(巡視天下)' 사상이 있다. 물론 여기에는 차이점이 존재하는데, 그 중 하나는 '보화천존'은 순시할 때 인간의 육신으로 화하지 않았다는 점이다. 또 다른 하나는 '보화천존'이 인간 세상에 창교의 방법을 통하여 선경을 건설하고자 하는 목표를 전해주지 않았다는 점이다. '보화천존'은 교리를 가르치거나 신통을 발휘하는 데에만 중점을 두고 있다. 둘째, '구천상제'가 내린 가르침인 해원상생은 후천선경을 건설하기 위한 수단과 과정이다. 도교의 '보화천존'도 인간이 지은 많은 죄악과 겁액은 세상 사람들이 맺은 원한과 관계가 있으므로, 이런 겁액과 죄를 해소하려면 해원부터 해야 한다는 것을 수차례에 걸쳐 언급하고 있다. 도교에서 말하는 '해원'의 구체적인 내용은 주로 인간의 시비, 질병, 겁액에 관한 것이며, 그 해결 방법으로는 주로 마음속으로 『옥추보경』을 읽는 것이다. 이를 '구천상제'의 '해원상생' 가르침과 비교하면 그 사상의 폭이나 깊이, 중요성, 이론적 측면 등에서 비교적 간단한 형태로서 체계적인 면모로까지 나아가지는 못하였다. 셋째, '구천상제' 는 곤경에 처한 사람이 신명의 호칭을 부르면 그에 상응하는 신명이 달려와서 구원해준다는 '소리감응' 방법을 사용하고 있는데, 이 방법은 도교의 '보화천존' 역시 사용하고 있는 것이다. 넷째, '구천상제'는 과오를 범한 사람이 자신의 과오를 뉘우치면, 그 다음에 상제의 용서를 받음으로써 그 원한이 풀리게 된다는 참법(懺法 : 懺悔法)을 세인(世人) 교화에 자주 사용하였다. 물론 이것은 해원상생의 구체적인 적용이라 할 수 있다. 기능면에서 보면 이 방법은 『구천응원뇌성보화천존옥추보참(九天應元雷聲普化天尊玉樞寶懺)』의 참의(懺儀)와 공통되는 점이 있다. 참의는 수도자 스스로 자신의 잘못을 뉘우치고, 수도에 정진하며, 사회의 안정을 도모하고, 포덕에 힘쓰고, 악을 물리치고 선을 널리 펼친다는 것인데, 이런 의미에서 양자는 일치한다고 생각된다. 필자가 생각하건대, 대순진리회의 '구천응원뇌성보화천존강성상제'와 도교의 '구천응원뇌성보화천존' 사이에는 공통점이 아주 많지만 동시에 차이점 또한 적지 않다. 만약 더욱 다양한 자료들을 수집하여 더욱 깊고 광범위한 연구를 진행한다면 한국 대순진리회와 중국 도교, 특히 도교의 뇌법종파(雷法宗派)와의 상관관계를 해석하는 데 큰 도움이 될 것이라 생각한다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.312-323
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• 2003

This writer absolutely agrees with the government that regional disequilibrium is severe enough to consider moving the administrative capital. Pursuing this course solely to establish a balanced development, however, is not a convincing enough reason. The capital city is directly related to not only the social and economic situation but, much more importantly, to the domestic political situation as well. In the mid-1970s, the proposal by the Third Republic to move the capital city temporarily was based completely on security reasons. At e time, the then opposition leader Kim, Dae-jung said that establishing a safe distance from the demilitarized zone(DMZ) reflected a typically military decision. His view was that retaining the capital city close to the DMZ would show more consideration for the will of the people to defend their own country. In fact, independent Pakistan moved its capital city from Karachi to Islamabad, situated dose to Kashmir the subject of hot territorial dispute with India. It is regrettable that no consideration has been given to the urgent political situation in the Korean peninsula, which is presently enveloped in a dense nuclear fog. As a person requires health to pursue his/her dream, a country must have security to implement a balanced territorial development. According to current urban theories, the fate of a country depends on its major cities. A negligently guarded capital city runs the risk of becoming hostage and bringing ruin to the whole country. In this vein, North Koreas undoubted main target of attack in the armed communist reunification of Korea is Seoul. For the preservation of our state, therefore, it is only right that Seoul must be shielded to prevent becoming hostage to North Korea. The location of the US Armed Forces to the north of the capital city is based on the judgment that defense of Seoul is of absolute importance. At the same time, regardless of their different standpoints, South and North Korea agree that division of the Korean people into two separate countries is abnormal. Reunification, which so far has defied all predictions, may be realized earlier than anyone expects. The day of reunification seems to be the best day for the relocation of the capital city. Building a proper capital city would take at least twenty years, and a capital city cannot be dragged from one place to another. On the day of a free and democratic reunification, a national agreement will be reached naturally to find a nationally symbolic city as in Brazil or Australia. Even if security does not pose a problem, the governments way of thinking would not greatly contribute to the balanced development of the country. The Chungcheon region, which is earmarked as the new location of the capital city, has been the greatest beneficiary of its proximity to the capital region. Not being a disadvantaged region, locating the capital city there would not help alleviate regional disparity. If it is absolutely necessary to find a candidate region at present, considering security, balanced regional development and post-reunification scenario of the future, Cheolwon area located in the middle of the Korean peninsula may be a plausible choice. Even if the transfer of capital is delayed in consideration of the present political conflict between the South and the North Koreas, there is a definite shortcut to realizing a balanced regional development. It can be found not in the geographical dispersal of the central government, but in the decentralization of power to the provinces. If the government has surplus money to build a new symbolic capital city, it is only right that it should improve, for instance, the quality of drinking water which now everyone eschews, and to help the regional subway authority whose chronic deficit state resoled in a recent disastrous accident. And it is proper to time the transfer of capital city to coincide with that of the reunification of Korea whenever Providence intends.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.5
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• pp.175-216
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• 2003

시각이 아닌 오감체계에 관계하는 때문에 현대미술은 외관만으로 이루어지지 않는다. 곧 예술 작품들은 하나의 장소를 관객에게 제공하여, 심리적, 물리적, 또는 예술이 존재여부에 관한 갖가지 질문들을 제기한다. 모든 예술 작품은 메시지를 담고 있다. 이러한 관점에서 개념 또는 아이디어에 우선하는 현대미술은 그들의 메시지를 전달하기 위해 우리의 사회적 배경과 보편성을 간과할 수 없다. 우리의 물체 인식은 결국 우리의 경험체계를 통해서 이루어진다고 간주하면, 현대미술의 새로운 형태는 보편적 특질들이 그 특질들 이상의 상태로 보여지도록 유도한다. 이러한 창조 행위의 시작은 현대인간의 문화 읽기이며 문화는 인간과 자연의 긴밀한 관계 속에서 이루어진다. 역사는 지나간 시간을 기록한 것이며, 이 또한 우리의 지식과 정보 체계에 속한다. 회화가 평면에 입체감을 표현하는 것과는 달리 조각은 자연 속, 즉 실재공간 속에 있는 모든 것을 표현하기 때문에 시각(visible) 이외에도 촉각(tangible)이 관여하게 된다. 조각의 특수성은 촉각(tangible)이 우선하는 것이다. 그러나 시각과 촉각은 매우 적극적으로 미학적 경험에 참여하는 감각으로 이들을 서로 분리하여 생각하기가 무척 힘들다. 왜냐하면 어떤 경험에 있어서 기억연합 또는 감각 연합에 의해 하나의 감각이 다른 여러 감각을 촉발하여 연쇄반응 혹은 '형태 Gestalt'를 이루기 때문이다. 대부분의 근대 조각 작품들은 조각대 위에 고정되어 있는 구상 형태를 지녔기 때문에 조각작품 자체가 지닌 외적 형태와 그 자체내의 공간이 더욱 중요한 역할을 하게 된다. 말하자면 미로의 비너스 조각은 대리석과 비너스 형태의 결합이다. 때문에 관객은 그 주변을 돌면서 우리 신체의 내적 공간과 시각에 의존하면서 그 작품의 중량감, 양감, 형태 등의 특질과 만나게 된다. 그러나 현대 추상조각과 개념조각은 이보다 좀 더 확장된 공간을 제시한다. 이것은 현대조각이 건축개념을 수용한 때문이며, 그것이 때로는 안 쪽에서 때로는 바깥 쪽에서 그 형태를 결정하며, 보고 듣고 느끼고 만져지고 왕래하는 등의 인식 영역인 관객의 오감체계에 직접적으로 관계하기 때문이다. 우리는 건축 공간에서, 시각 외에도 청각이나 촉각을 통해 지각한다. 대강 요약하자면 공간은 객관적 상태이기보다는 인식영역의 주관성을 통해 받아들여진 우리가 지나쳐온 것들이나 체험된 공간이다. 여기서 '받아들여지는' 일은 과거 경험들의 주체들, 언어와 문화에 의해서 이루어져야 한다. 건물, 즉 둘러싸고 있는 공간은 중앙이 아니다. 중앙은 바로 나, 둘러싸여진 나이다 나는 나의 동작에 따라 그 공간의 시스템을 변화시킬 수 있는 유동적인 중심이다 (이때의 나는 위치의 축을 변화시키는 것이 아니라, 그들을 탐색하는 것이다). 작품이 대형화되면서 이러한 건축공간개념이 현대 조각가들의 작품개념에 이용되었다고 본다. 현대미술에서 In situ작업과 특정한 장소를 위한 기획되어진 최근의 프로젝트 작업들은 대형화되어있으며, 건축에서처럼 특정한 장소를 만들어낸다. 로잘린드 크라우스(Rosalind Krauss)는 또한 '조각영역의 확장 (La sculpture dans le champ elargi)'에서 현대조각이 건축과 환경의 영역을 침범하고 있음을 지적한다. 그녀에 의하면, 1960년대 이후의 현대조각은 이러한 탈 귀속성과 조각의 자율성을 획득함으로써 조각은 건축물이 아니면서 건축물 주변에 위치하거나 풍경이 아니면서 풍경 안에 자리잡게 되었다. 이와 같이 현대의 대형조각 작품들 - 예를 들어 대형화된 미니별 조각이나 개념미술, 또는 대지예술 등 -은 풍경의 실재가 아니기 때문에 환경으로부터 구분된다고 언급하고 있다. 이들 조각은 더 이상 만져지는 실체이거나 점유하는 공간의 상징언어를 지닌 조각의 범주에 한정되지 않게 된다. 조각과 건축의 공간인식을 인체의 크기와 관련하여 보면, 메를로 퐁티(Merleau-Ponty)의 '지각의 현상학' 은 우리가 논하는 작품의 공간체계를 분석하는데 지침표가 되어준다. 메를로 퐁티가 말하는 지각은 정신에 의해서만 이루어지는 것이 아니며, 몸과 함께 이루어지는 현상이다. 지각은 우리가 부단히 눈을 움직이고 만지고 냄새를 맡고 주변을 돌아 다니면서 세계와의 직접적인 접촉을 통해 이루어 진다. 몸의 움직임을 통하여 나타나는 신체적 표현은 몸 자체가 원천적으로 지향적 활동의 주체로서 파악되는 한 이미 항상(恒常, constant) 의미 현상을 지니다. 우리의 지각이 움직이는 몸의 지향 활동을 통해 이루어진다는 것은 우리의 몸의 지향활동이 의식에 선행함을 의미한다. 몸의 움직임은 의식의 의도를 표현할 때에만 의미를 나타내는 기호가 되는 것이 아니라, 이미 그 자체가 살아있는 표현이다. 우리의 몸짓, 표정은 우리 의식이 의도하기 전에 이미 의미가 담겨있다. 몸은 그 자체가 기호(Signe)적이다. 결국. 메를로 퐁티에게서 세상(le monde entier)은 그 자신이 주체가 되어 인식한다, 그리고 이 인식 구조에는 우리의 몸이 구심점(le point centripete)이 된다. 만약 우리가 이러한 메를로 퐁티의 개념을 염두에 둔다면, 예술작품의 특성에 매우 중요한 역할을 하고 있는 재료와 크기를 이해할 수 있을 것이다.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.40
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• pp.111-131
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• 2015

An unusual success engendering loyalty among cult fans in the United States, Mamoru Oshii's 1995 cyberpunk anime, Ghost in the Shell (GITS) revolves around a female cyborg assassin named Motoko Kusanagi, a.k.a. "the Major." When the news came out last year that Scarlett Johansson was offered 10 million dollars for the role of the Major in the live action remake of GITS, the frustrated fans accused DreamWorks of "whitewashing" the classic Japanimation and turning it into a PG-13 film. While it would be premature to judge a film yet to be released, it appears timely to revisit the core achievement of Oshii's film untranslatable into the Hollywood formula. That is, unlike ultimately heteronormative and humanist sci-fi films produced in Hollywood, such as the Matrix trilogy or Cloud Atlas, GITS defies a Hollywoodization by evoking much bafflement in relation to its queer, posthuman characters and settings. This essay homes in on Major Kusanagi's body in order to update prior criticism from the perspectives of posthumanism and queer theory. If the Major's voluptuous cyborg body has been read as a liberating or as a commodified feminine body, latest critical work of posthumanism and queer theory causes us to move beyond the moralistic binaries of human/non-human and male/female. This deconstruction of binaries leads to a radical rethinking of "reality" and "identity" in an image-saturated, hypermediated age. Viewed from this perspective, Major Kusanagi's body can be better understood less as a reflection of "real" women than as an embodiment of our anxieties on the loss of self and interiority in the SNS-dominated society. As is warned by many posthumanist and queer critics, queer and posthuman components are too often used to reinforce the human. I argue that the Major's hybrid body is neither a mere amalgam of human and machine nor a superficial postmodern blurring of boundaries. Rather, the compelling combination of individuality, animality, and technology embodied in the Major redefines the human as always, already posthuman. This ethical act of revision-its shifting focus from oppressive humanism to a queer coexistence-evinces the lasting power of GITS.