• Informatization Policy
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.92-114
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to analyze people's motivations to use the National Petition service of CheongWaDae, the Presidential Office of Korea. The online space has been used as a testbed of deliberative democracy. In fact, a wide variety of public opinions are being formed and gaining sympathy through the E-Petitions and Daum's Agora. In this regard, President Moon's government launched a petition site to gather public opinions. For any petition agreed on by more than 20,000 people within 30 days, the relevant ministry or the President's office must provide answers or feedback. This study wants to figure out how this National Petition is different from previous platforms like Agora or E-Petitions and why it is so well-received by people. This study uses a mix of both qualitative and quantitative methods. First, we conducted a focus group interview to factorize experiences of using the National Petition into measurable constructs. Second, we did a survey o 156 Koreans who had experienced the National Petition. Results show that symbolism, usefulness, gratification, and trust have positive impact on continuous usage intention. This study argues that symbolism, usefulness, gratification, and trust factors should be in place rather than technical aspects in order to increase the actual participation of users on the online platform of deliberative democracy. In addition, this study is meaningful in that it examined how different the CheongWaDae's National Petition is from the existing platforms for collecting public opinions and analyzed factors that encourage continuous use.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.52
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• pp.11-40
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• 2017

This study analyzed individual-level and country-level factors affecting justification of domestic violence amid emerging social significance of family violence. For individual-level variables, prejudice against women in economic and social roles were used from the World Value Survey data. As for country-level variables, total of 36 countries were analyzed with indices that represents gender equality such as women's employment rate and democracy index. Women's employment rate was gathered from the Labour Market Database of the World Bank and democracy index was from the Economist Intelligence Unit. Results showed that both individual-level, prejudice against women in economic and social roles and country-level variables such as women's employment rate and democracy index had significant effects on justification of domestic violence. This result implies the importance of creating positive social culture which promotes positive attitudes towards perceptions of gender role and gender equality. As well, country-level endeavors to raise gender equality in employment deem important. Based on these findings, policy implications and recommendations for future research were discussed.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.59-75
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• 2019

The purpose of this study was to explore ways to help reduce adolescents' academic stress by exploring the influences of parental learning involvement and family strengths on academic stress. The research participants were 445 middle school students living in Gwangju. Data were collected from self-reported questionnaires and analyzed with SPSS 23.0 program. The major findings were as follows: First, the parental learning involvement(provision of learning option, democratic rules, encouragement of academic progress) and academic stress showed significant differences according to gender. There was a significant difference in academic stress depending on school year, but there was no significant difference in parental learning involvement. The family strengths did not show significant difference according to gender or school year. The parental learning involvement(provision of learning option, democratic rules, pursuit of adequate performance, academic information, total), family strengths, and academic stress showed significant differences according to economic status. Second, the adolescents' academic stress was influenced by parental learning involvement(encouragement of academic progress, democratic rules, pursuit of adequate performance) and family strengths. Approximately 30 percent of the adolescents' academic stress was explained by these variables.

• 동북아역사논총
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• no.59
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• pp.150-186
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• 2018

This paper explains what Japanese progressive liberalism was in postwar Japan by clarifying Maruyama Masao's "Cold War Liberalism," focusing especially on his realism and nationalism searching for "democracy" and "peace" in the context of the early Cold War Japan. Maruyama's Cold War liberalism can be grasped from two perspectives: how the Cold War defined his liberalism and how Maruyama interpreted the Cold War as a liberalist in postwar Japan. The liberal interpretation of the Cold War captures the spatial manifestations of liberalism in the Cold War while Cold War liberalism was to grasp the temporal succession of modern Japan. Maruyama revealed his liberal thinking by combining it to his idea of nationalism and realism. He was concerned about the reshaping of the fascist atmosphere provoked by anti-communism emerging from 186 | 동북아역사논총 59호the Cold War confrontation structure. He sought "neutrality" and "peace" to overcome the so-called "two worlds" of the Cold War. And he stressed the importance of "fair judgment" and "autonomous association" to restrain the fascistic atmosphere in postwar Japan. For Maruyama, subjectivity aimed at the concept of "nation" rather than "citizen," and nationalism was a condition for "democracy" and "peace" in postwar Japan. Maruyama's critical liberalism worked through nationalism and realism.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.67-108
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• 2017

How well citizens are represented by their representatives holds critical importance in representative democracy. While previous studies of ideological congruence have largely focused on Western established democracies, there was not as much attention paid to young democracies including, South Korea. This article investigates ideological congruence in South Korea based on multiple survey data sources collected from 2002 to 2016. When it comes to unidimensional Left-Right ideology, the distance between citizens and governments, unlike its citizen-assembly counterpart, has widened since 2000 sending a negative signal to the norm of representative democracy. As to multidimensional issue positions, however, it turns out that ideological congruence in South Korea has varied along issues such as aids to North Korea and Welfare spending. These results provide both citizens and parties with some important implications. For citizens, they are required to distinguish which party or candidate is more representative of the issue they value the most beyond a simple Left-Right line; for parties, they are required to deal with how to represent their supporters as well as today's increasing independents by strengthening their organizational capacity and providing effective party programs.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.151-170
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• 2019

This study deals with the rent-seeking behavior that exist in cultural voucher from the viewpoint of culture and arts management. Art organizations open to consumers, producers and governments of the arts are dependent on the internal and external influence of an open system. Researcher has found rent-seeking in the course of introducing policies and legalization of the cultural voucher business which has been promoted in the direction of democratization of culture or cultural democracy. Cultural voucher business is a legal term. Although the government has increased the budget or tried to change the policies of the cultural voucher business, the implementation of the cultural voucher business has been opposed to the diversity of consumption and equity as the consumption of genre and the concentration of the capital region have increased. These results were structurally related to the process of legalization and rent-seeking behavior in bureaucracy. This study reaffirms that the efficient operation standard of the cultural voucher business is a balance between the choice of the beneficiary, the competition of the supplier, and access to the cultural voucher. And the theory of rent-seeking was applied as a criterion to analyze this balance. Thus, it is suggested that the criteria of evaluation and improvement to check the conservativeness of bureaucrats are needed to establish a legal system applied to the purpose of 'cultural democracy' and 'democratization of culture' ideology and to guarantee individual creativity and autonomy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.171-202
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• 2018

Issue ownership concerns a party's issue handling reputation. When a party is perceived to have the best solution for an issue, voters identify the party as the owner of the issue. Extant literature of issue ownership voting shows that voters tend to vote for a party that they identify as the owner of an issue they concern most. That is, the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditioned by the perceived salience of the issue in question. This study investigates another condition of issue ownership voting: i.e. party behavior in election campaigns. It argues that the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditional: it depends on party behavior as well as issue salience. During the campaign in the 2016 legislative election, only the Democratic Party of Korea, the opposition party at that time, actively presented itself as the owner of economic issues. The analysis results of this study show that the identification of the Democratic Party as the economic issue owner affects voting for the party when a voter thinks the economy to be the most important issue. However, the identification of the other parties as the economic issue owner does not affect voting for them under the same condition. The results support the argument that party behavior as well as issue salience are conditions of issue ownership voting.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.171-202
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• 2014

The purpose of this study was to explore the changes of right people for society on the period from liberation in 1945 to democracy in the late 1990s. Those periods classified into 'Transitional Era', Industrial Era and 'Democracy Era' based on historical events significantly influenced the changes of value system of Korean people or Korean society. In this study, not only main values and right people for society but also the way of changing value system in those periods were suggested by investigating factors of politics, economy and society. The results are as follows : Main values and right people for society on each period were as follows : In Transitional Era, main values were manners and social norms, and right people for this period were practical intellectuals pursuing the principle of action-oriented truth-and- knowledge-seeking. In Industrial Era, main values were sincerity, diligence, self-help and collaboration, and right people for this period were skilled man having occupational ability which was essential for economic development. In Democracy Era, main values were sincerity, participation, equality and coexistence, and right people for this period were scientific talented man who can make the survival of the country and prosperity in the crisis of the slowdown in economic growth A discussion of right people for each era, proposed that emphasis on the pragmatic and practical type of person in those days required, On the other hand, emphasized that were considered important of Community value.