• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.11
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• pp.222-228
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• 2022

In today's era of digital technologies, the problem of religious communication in the cyberspace is being actualized, since the globality and accessibility of the WWW makes it one of the most effective and promising channels for transmitting various kinds of messages, including those of a religious nature. Today, religious organizations and movements pay the closest attention to the virtual media space, not only using it to attract new followers, but also for religious PR, image-making and branding, informing the world about themselves through news from the life of the organization and its followers. An equally important form of electronic communication in the online sphere is currently the interaction of various religious movements and religious cultures in general, or the dialogue of confessions in particular. Research in the digital space makes it possible to identify important trends in religious spheres based on the analysis of the flow of information on the Internet, to demonstrate the specifics of individual media outlets and the consequences of their activities for interreligious dialogue, to study the role of the Internet in changing religious beliefs, the possibility of changing religious identity, retrospective development of religious enlightenment at the turn of the century, to determine the vectors of possible interreligious interaction and discuss the role of digital technologies in the work of religious structures, to state the need to continue an active dialogue between representatives of religious movements, to hold expert seminars on interreligious dialogue on a regular basis, and to record the risks generated by the digital space. Thus, the coronavirus pandemic served as a background and context, a litmus test and a catalyst for accelerating and intensifying interreligious, interfaith dialogue and dialogue between religious organizations and society.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2011

My essay aims at reading Ginsberg's "Howl" and "Kaddish" with the concept of 'shaman-prophet-poet' to illustrate the dynamic relationship between his poetics and radical politics. Throughout his widely-ranging career, Ginsberg represents himself as a poet-prophet and commands a typical rhetoric of revelation as a way of decentering Cold War orthodoxies. While well aware of the oppressive and pervasive power of the dominant post-war ideologies, he adopts 'madness' to oppose conventional political, social, and religious institutions; by way of entering into the madness of this world and actively engaging himself as a victim, he can finally heal both himself and the world. This dual function of poet characterizes his rhetoric of revelation, but it doesn't appeal to the mainstream of American critical ideology where the post-structural approach to language and subject gives a skeptical look at any account of active human agency and humanistic belief in the possibility of language. In "Howl" and "Kaddish," Ginsburg persuades the reader of the truth of his own vision through the convincing and realistic portraits of his contemporaries as well as his own mother and family. Different from his visionary predecessors such as Emerson and Whitman, Ginsberg knew the difficulty of a negotiation between history and divine vision, and attempted to imbricate his family, friends, and even the larger social and political units within his visionary experience in order to avoid naive idealism, escapism, or solipsism. Furthermore, he deconstructs the Logos of Western prophecy and replaces it with the groundless identity and the nontheistic epistemology of Buddhism, which, in turn, leads to emptying his powerful language of absolutist meaning and prevents his prophecy from becoming re-reified as divine essentialism. Ginsberg's idea of poet and poem revitalizes the skeptical view on language and literary representation of our contemporary critical community which is unwilling to engage the experimental scope of his radical prophecy.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.263-279
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• 2008

Arif Dirlik in Postmodernity's Histories sees the issue of re-ethnicization in the case of John Huang, China's alleged attempt at lobbying the Clinton administration. In this view, Americans with Chinese surnames were suspected by the US Justice Department to be possible spies working for Beijing. Reethnicization here seems to serve the mainstream society in reducing an ethnic minority to a group of aliens operating for their countries of origin. However, re-ethnicization is not necessarily a one-way oppressive operation; it is often made use of by the ethnic minorities in their efforts to adapt to their country of arrival. Haroon and Karim, the protagonists of Hanif Kureishi's The Buddha of Suburbia, are cases in point. They are portrayed as winning social recognition and securing a place of their own within the hostile host society through a strategic use of re-ethnicization, that is, masquerading as 'genuine Orientals.' This study brings to light possible fallacies or misguided expectations concerning the political position of first- and second-generation immigrants. One of the fallacies is found in the racist metropolis, which regards the ethnic minorities as a sort of resident aliens, no matter what immigrant generation the latter belongs to. Another fallacy is found in the kind of postcolonial criticism that automatically regards an anti-racist critique advanced by people like Kureishi as something motivated by a confrontational tactic, that is, an attempt at subverting the colonial power relations. The conclusion of this study is that Kureishi's agenda, as presented in The Buddha of Suburbia, is neither the preservation of an ethnic identity nor the subversion of colonial power relations but survival in the metropolis. On this account Kureish's agenda can be called a micro-politics.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.85-119
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• 2013

This paper asks whether the Republic of Korea (ROK) Navy should continue to focus on building ocean-going naval ships when it faces the threats of North Korean provocations in littoral areas. My position is that the ROK Navy should keep pursuing ocean-going capabilities. I provide explanations why it should do so from the perspectives of three important dimensions: capability, doctrine, and organizational identity. First, I argue that the distinction between a littoral navy and an ocean-going navy is an unnecessary dichotomy. It may lead to inefficiency in national security. The military posture should be designed in a way that it can address all external threats to national security regardless of whether they are from North Korea or not. Such capability is the one that the ROK Navy has tried to acquire with the 'Blue Water Navy' initiative since the 1990s. Second, also from the perspective of lately developed military doctrines that emphasize jointness and precision strike capability, ocean-going capabilities such as the mobile task fleet program have become a must, not an option, given today's security situations on and around the Korean peninsula. Lastly, I draw attention to the fact that the 'Blue Water Navy (BWN)' initiative meant more than just capability to the ROK navy. The BWN represents the ROK navy's organizational identity that the navy has defined since the 1980s as it emphasized promoting national interest and international standing as part of its organizational essence. Furthermore, the phrase 'blue water navy' took on symbolic meanings to the people that are associated with South Korean-ness including sovereignty, national pride, standing in the world and hopes for the future. Since 1990s, many scholars and experts have made the case for the necessity of improving South Korea's naval capability based on different rationales. They emphasized the protection of Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs), the economic value of the sea, the potential danger associated with territorial disputes over islands, and increasing naval power of neighboring countries since the end of the Cold War. This paper adds to this debate by trying to explain the matter with different factors including naval doctrines and organizational identity. Particularly, this paper constitutes a unique endeavor in that it incorporating constructivist elements (that is, identity politics) in explaining a national security matter.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.270-296
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• 2011

The named source kept in all place names alludes to the close relationship between place name and its place while it also becomes a fundamental condition for geographical research on place names. Meanwhile, the named source may be recognized differently according to who the social subjects producing and changing place names Life. Place names represent and constitute the identity and the ideology of the diverse social subjects. This aspect is related to cultural politics concerned with conflicts and contestation among different social subjects over the meaning of place names. Particularly, the Gongju-Mok Jingwan Area in the Korean peninsula has long history and geopolitical location as a borderland and a buffer zone. As a result, it has provided many conditions for cultural diversity and power relations, both of which have caused social subjects to contest their social power across space and time, and has led to produce the several types in the changes of place names. Therefore, this paper aims to investigate the types according to the named source, especially that of the forepart of place names morpheme, and those cultural-political meanings. These place names are classified into three large groups, such as the physical place names, the social place names, and the economic place names. These types of place names have represented the place identity and the ideology of diverse social subjects, and also accompanied the changes by power relations between themselves.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.259-295
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• 2017

The purpose of this article is to understand Ahn Hwak(1886~1946)'s perception of national history through "History of Joseon Literature" and "History of Joseon Civilization". He presented the 'cultural history' of Joseon from a modern point of view, by exploring the mental and emotional aspects of the Korean people ingrained in the literary works from the various historical periods. He also reconstructed the national history from Gojoseon era to Joseon dynasty as a continuous 'political history'. For him, a nation was not merely a cultural community, but also a political community. His thought was that while 'culture' and 'politics' are dualistic, they should also be viewed as the two sides of the same coin. In "History of Joseon Literature", Ahn emphasized the mental 'Awakening(自覺)' of the nation. 'Awakening' is a process of universal progress in which the mind pursues freedom by freeing itself from the material bondage. In "History of Joseon Civilization", he finds history of 'Autonomy(自治)' as the characteristics of Joseon's 'history of politics'. He believes that Joseon was able evolve into 'self-aware and voluntary civilization' because of the tradition of 'Autonomy', a political system of reflecting and gathering of the will of the people. Through his two books, Ahn Hwak underlines the idea that the national history of Joseon was a history of 'Awakening', from a cultural perspective, and a history of 'Autonomy', from a political point of view. To him, 'Awakening' was a concept focused on the universality of the mind, while 'Autonomy' was a concept that emphasized the uniqueness of a nation. In sum, Ahn Hwak, through his works, tried to combine cultural universality and political identity.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.137-184
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• 2011

This article is aimed at understanding the political narratives represented in the National Museum of Indonesia. Starting initially as a colonial museum, the National Museum of Indonesia functioned as a useful tool for the Dutch colonial force to fuel its imaginations of the colonial territory and the people within it. The Dutch used the cultural display to advertize its benevolent colonial rule. All the while, the museum also inevitably reflected orientalism on the people and the culture of the colony. The republic of Indonesia inherited the colonial museum's practices and its display patterns. The business surrounding the museum also played a key role in the newly-born nation-state laying out a future for its redefined territory and people. Thus, what the colonial force imagined for the colonial territory through the study of museum displays was rather directly transferred to the republic without serious consideration of the decolonization process. Four main characteristics have been seen in the museum displays. The first is an emphasis on the glorious Hindu-Buddha history, from which numerous temples, statues, and jewelry have been found. Secondly, the Islamic period, which spanned between the Hindu-Buddha times to the colonial era, has almost completely been eliminated from the display. Third, the colonial era has been depicted as the time of Europe's exportation of scientific tools and adaption of sophisticated living patterns. Fourth, the images of ethnic groups were represented as being stagnant without reflecting any challenges and responses that these groups had faced throughout history. Looking at these display patterns, it can be concluded that all the dynamic internal developments and anti-colonial resistance that took place during the Islamic and Colonial Era have simply not been represented in the museum display. These display patterns do not reflect the real history or culture of the archipelago. Two considerations are thought to have influenced the neglecting of social realities in the display. The first of which is the Dutch's and Republic's apprehension over the possible political upheaval by the Islamic forces. Yet, more fundamentally, cultural displays themselves are distinct from historical education in that the former pays more attention to business ideas with an aim to attract tourists rather than to project objective historical knowledge. Thus, in cultural displays, objects which work to stimulate fantasies and spur curiosity on archipelagic culture tend to be selected and emphasized. In this process, historical objectivity is sometimes considered less vital. Cultural displays are set up to create more appealing narratives for viewers. Therefore, if a narrative loses its luster, it will be replaced by another flashy and newly-resurrected memory. This fact reveals that museums, as transmitters of historical knowledge, have a certain degree of limitation in playing their role.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.310-325
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• 2012

Human being has used place names to differentiate one place from another. Place names are the products of collective human cognition in that a place name is chosen when it successfully represents the identity of a place. In addition, place names have been changed by the competition and struggle between social agencies and the political imperatives of hegemonic groups to impose their identity on the places. Recent geographic studies on place names have focused on the social and political processes behind the change of place names. In this vein, the purpose of this study is investigating the debates on the decision of city names in the process of the administrative reorganization in mid 1990s by the lens of political geography. Residents in cities and counties tried to justify their arguments by emphasizing historical backgrounds and popularity of their names. Additionally, economic power and potential were mobilized for the political resources to win over the battle over city names. The result, however, shows that the decision of newly consolidated cities' name was mainly made by the amount of political resources, such as population and number of seats in local assemblies. Several regions tried to use city names to negotiate with counterparts. In sum, the decision of place names is the product of political competitions, and the place name becomes the symbol of territorial identity. Place names have been in the center of disputes in local politics even after the name was decided, which suggest further studies on reasonable solution to mitigate the disputes to be expected when additional reorganization of administrative districts.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.107-130
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• 2008

The study of Korean diaspora has focused on migration, adaptation, and identity of overseas Koreans in China, the CIS, Japan, and the United States. However, the contemporary concept of a diaspora is a way of understanding migration, cultural difference, identity politics, and so on. Thus, this more broadly defined diaspora is used to mean a dispersion of people of a common national origin or of common beliefs living in exile. As of 2007, it is estimated that there are about 7 million Koreans living in 170 countries outside the Korean peninsula. Some have left Korea involuntarily and some others voluntarily. But most of them actively try to maintain their identity and culture as Koreans. With the large number of overseas Koreans, there has recently been the recognition of the importance of networking among overseas Koreans in the 21st century. The purpose of this paper is to emphasize the necessity of Korean Global Network of overseas Koreans. In doing so, this paper reviewed the case of Jewish and Chinese network. Then, this paper indicates the problems in the networking of overseas Koreans and suggests the policy implications for Korean Global Network. Above all, there should be changes in the government's policy towards overseas Koreans in the direction of organizing networks of overseas Koreans to coexist with the mother country. The government should adopt a policy to restore trust in overseas Koreans. It should take a pragmatic approach to the mutual interests in the socioeconomic relations instead of taking a political approach to overseas Koreans.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.7
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• pp.247-269
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• 2005

The decade of the 1960s in Korea is normally regarded as a transitional period, but this transition has been consistently viewed in either economic or political terms. In this paper I examine the 1960s and the 1970s as a period of cultural transition―from a neo-Confucian emphasis on "high" art to a broader, more inclusive acceptance of "popular" forms of cultural expression. Although these two realms of cultural production are often viewed as fundamentally antithetical, I argue that there is actually significant continuity in terms of both artistic expression and cultural engagement. In particular, I look at the trajectories of Korean national literature and cinema and their areas of confluence. I examine the career of Kim $S{\breve{u}ng-ok$, who in the 1960s was the preeminent literary voice of a new generation and who in the 1970s was the screenwriter for some of the most popular films of that era, and I show how Kim's career changes track parallel changes in both literature and cinema. Artistically, Kim continued his literary expressions of a new sensibility in his screenplays, bringing to cinema a new infusion of seriousness and respectability. Culturally, Kim continued his explorations of the ways in which rapid changes in Korean politics and the booming economy led to miscommunication and chaos in society. By consistently exploring processes of national identity formation and re-formation, Kim's 1960s literature can be seen as crucial instances of Korean national literature (minjok munhak). In the same manner, Kim's 1970s screenplays can be seen as foundational moments in a Korean national cinema.