• Trans-
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• v.3
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• pp.55-86
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• 2017

This study begins with the necessity of the concept of reincarnation of film media and the inclusion of specific tendencies of contemporary films as post - cinema comes. Variable movements around recent films Challenging and experimental films show aesthetics that are difficult to approach with the analysis of classical mise en scene and montage. In this way, I review the dispositif proposed by Martin in films that are puzzling to criticize with the classical conceptual framework. This is because the concept of dispositive is a conceptual pile that extends more than a mise en scene and a montage. Dispositif films tend to be non-reproducible and non-narrative, but not all non-narrativef tendencies are dispositif films. Only the dispositif film is included in the flow. Dispositif movement has increased dramatically in the modern environment on which digital technology is based, but it is not a tendency to be found in any particular age. The movement has been detected in classical films, and the dispositif tendency has continued to exist in avant-garde films in the 1920s and some modernist films. First, for clear conceptualization of cinematic dispositif, this study examines the sources of dispositif debates that are being introduced into film theory today. In this process, the theory of Jean Louis Baudry, Michel Foucault, Agamben, Flusser, and Deleuze will help. The concept of dispositif was discussed by several scholars, including Baudry and Foucault, and today the notion of dispositif is defined across all these definitions. However, these various discussions are distinctly different from the cinematic dispositif or dispositif films that Martin advocates. Martin's proposed concept reminds us of the fundamentals of cinematic aesthetics that have distinguished between the mise-en-scene and the montage. And it will be able to reconsider those concepts and make it possible to view a thing a new light or create new films. The basic implications of dispositif are apparatus as devices, disposition and arrangement, the combination of heterogeneity. Thus, if you define a dispositif film in a word, it is a new 'constraint' consisting of rearrangement and arrangement of the heterogeneous elements that make up the conditions of the classical film. In order for something to become a new design, changes must be made in the arrangement and arrangement of the elements, forces, and forces that make up it. Naturally, the elements encompass both internal and external factors. These dispositif films have a variety of possibilities, such as reflection on the archival possibilities and the role of supervision, the reestablishment of active and creative audience, the reason for the film medium, and the ideological reflection. films can also 'network' quickly and easily with other media faster than any medium and create a new 'devised' aesthetic style. And the dispositif film that makes use of this will be a key keyword in reading the films that present the new trend of modern film. Because dispositif are so comprehensive and have a broad implication, there are certainly areas that are difficult to sophisticate. However this will have a positive effect on the future activation of dispositif studies end for end. Dispositif is difficult to elaborate the concept clearly, so it can be accessed from a wide range of dimensions and has theoretically infinite extensibility. At the beginning and end of the 21st century film, the concept of cinematic dispositif will become a decisive factor to dismantle old film aesthetics.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.148-162
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• 1993

There is much speculation that modern capi-talist society is undergoing fundamental and qualitative chnge towards flexible specialization. The purpose of this study is to examine this hypothesis. This paper focusses on: the idea of flexible specialization; the significance of this transition; industrial district; and the implicati-ons of this new production system for Korean industrial space. Main arguments of this study are as follows: First, as all different groups of researchers apply the idea of flexible specialization according to their own specifications, the current debate on this topic is not much fruitful. Not surpri-singly, the concept of flexible specialization has overlapped with subocontracting. This intergration of subcontracting into flexible specialization systems, however, is inappropriate because the two concepts have different historical contexts. The other cause of this controversy is its inherent weekness, conceptual ambiguity. Thus, today's flexibility becomes tomorrow's rigidity. Secondly, transition towards flexible speciali-zation has only been partially achieved even in advanced capitalist countries. The application of dualistic explanatory framework, such as rigidity versus flexibiity, mass production versus small-lot multi-product production, and de-skilling versus re-skilling, has resulted in great exaggeration of the transformation, from Fordism to post-Fordism. There is no intermediary part between two places. Considering that the workers allocated to the Fordist mass production assembly line are not as large as one might imagine, the shift from mass to flexible production has only limited implications for the transformation of capitalist economy. Thirdly, 'industrial district' contorversy has contributed to highlighting the importance of small firms and areas as production space. The agglomeration of small firms in specific areas is common in Korea, but it is quite different from the industrial district based on flexible specialization. The Korean phenomenon stems from close interactions with its major parent firm rather than interactions between flexible, specialized, autonomous and technology-intensive smll firms. Most Korean subcontractors are still low-skilled, labour-intensive, and heavily dependent on their mojor parent firms. Thus, the assertion that the Seoul Metropolitan Area adopts flexible specialization has no base. Fourthly, the main concern of flexible speciali zation is small firms. However, the corporate organization that needs product diversification and technological specialization is oligopolistic large corporations typified by multinational corporations. It is because of this that most of these organizations are adoptiong Fordist mass production methods. The problem of product diversification will be resolved naturally if economic internationalization progresses further. What is more important for business success is the quality and price competitiveness of firms rather than product diversification. Lastly, in order to dispel further misunderst-anding on this issue, it is imparative that the conceptual ambiguity is resolved most urgently. This study recommends adoption of more speci-fied and direct terminology (such as, factory automation, computer design, out-sourcing, the exploitation of part-time labor, job redesign) rather than that of ideological ones (such as, Taylorism, Fordism, neo-Taylorism, neo-Fordism, post-fordism, flexible specialization, peripheral post-Fordism). As the debates on this topic just started, we still have long way to go until consensus is reached.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.69-81
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• 2015

Under the premise that parks have been a performing field of welfare ideology that benefits the citizen from the past, the present study began with a basic question on what substance a park has and how it has worked. Therefore, this study tried to find out the theoretic background that can explain the roles of a park as an instrument for welfare, of which topic is currently being discussed, and examine how the ideology in the debate regarding welfare characteristics of parks are differentiated from those of social welfare. In addition, this study divided the process of development of parks defined by Galen Cranz in an attempt to view how welfare benefits offered by parks have changed in their development and looked into the roles and types of welfare functions that parks provided to the citizens under a certain social situation by period. Furthermore, the characteristics and development of the ideology underlying a welfare park were examined by function and element in its progression. The results of this study are as follows. The functions that parks have performed so far can be classified into three categories. First, they have a remedial function. Parks have given direct services to 'the socially disadvantaged' such as relief, fostering, and rehabilitation. Second, parks have played a preventive function. They aim to reinforce the functions of individual, family, group, and community. Third, they have exerted a developmental function. They function to promote change of society in a way for it to contribute to social development. Looking into the roles and functions of parks from the perspective of their beneficiary class and benefits, the following were discovered. First, the beneficiaries of welfare characteristics in parks have expanded to the general public from the poor class, and the benefits of parks have spread into the public including the underprivileged in a real sense. Second, the significance of welfare characteristics in parks has also changed from literal benefits to caring for basic human rights. Third, the purpose of welfare characteristics in parks has changed from providing minimal conditions to optimal conditions. At its beginning, the ideology of welfare in parks remained ideal, confining itself to their idealistic characteristics; but as time went on, they created several social benefits in response to various social demands, developing into a field where welfare ideology manifests and is realized in an active manner. Furthermore, it was witnessed that the parks and welfare of the present times are standing at the point of contact for participation and universal well-being. The present study reconsidered the meaning and value of parks from perspective of them as a provider of welfare benefits as well as examined how the welfare ideology of parks is connected to practice. By doing so, this study discovered the various roles, values, and ideology that parks should bear in the future. Therefore, this study is expected to be a good example for future research related to the topic.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.1-15
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• 2015

The purpose of this study was to analyze the commemoration characteristics of Vietnam War Memorials(VWM) in the United States(VWMUS). Through site survey and internet research, the researcher selected 87 VWMUS except monuments simply with markers, and analyzed 5 analysis items: design concepts, spatial characteristics, landscape details, sculptures, and interpretive texts and symbols. The results are as follows: 1. The analysis revealed that the main concepts of VWMUS were to cherish victims of the Vietnam War(85 sites (97.7%)), show veteran's dedication for country(85 sites(97.7%)), and publicize the contribution of groups by troop, regional, and membership(84 sites(96.6%)). 2. Most VWMUS were located in memorial parks and plazas. 59 memorials(67.8%) were designed to pursue the completion of each memorial assuming the form of symmetry and circles. On the other hand, 12 memorials(13.8%) were typed memorial walls and 11 memorials(12.6%) were formed by spatial sequence including various landscape details and grading. 3. Stone walls were mainly used to cherish victims of the War at 65 memorials(74.7%), and also, Flags like the Stars and Stripes, POW MIA flags, and state flags were hoisted to symbolize memorial's identity at all memorials. Additionally, Benches, monuments, markers, posts and columns, ponds and channels, Helicopters were partially introduced some memorials. 4. Sculptures were used 21 memorials(24.1%) which were smaller in numbers than other War Memorial in the U.S.A., for black stonewall were used for the main element of VWMUS. Except for a few sculptures that aimed to represent the Vietnam War symbolically and narratively, 16 memorials(18.4%) were formed to realistically express the image of wounded soldiers and their hardship in the Vietnam War. 5. KIA, MIA, Veteran's name were written and their images depicted on walls, Also, the symbolic phrase, 'ALL GAVE SOME, SOME GAVE ALL' and 'DUTY, HONOR, COUNTRY' were written on the memorials walls, and the POW MIA symbols were printed on the flags and engraved on walls. 6. In the United States of America, Democratic patriotism was considered a main ideological value in VWMUS by engraving KIA MIA's names on the walls, hoisting flags Stars and Stripes and POW MIA, and writing symbolic phrases 'ALL GAVE SOME, SOME GAVE ALL' and 'DUTY, HONOR, COUNTRY'. On the contrary, in Vietnam, nationalism, patriotism, and socialism were emphasized as main ideologies through raising war victory and resistance to foreign power as well as writing the symbolic phrase 'TO-QUOC-GUI-CONG' meaning 'our country remember your achievement' on memorial towers. Further study will be required to comparatively analyze VWM in order to understand national characteristics in Korea, Australia, U.S.A, and Vietnam.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2012

Landscape Garden tradition of excellent examples of places that are focused on hydroponics management. South Korea and China, this thing was noticeable among them South Korea which emphasizes the natural contours of the natural streams in accordance with the basic idea to use examples that feature will do. Gardens in China by constructing a flat terrain also naturally expect to find examples of conscious ideas depending on the water and the mountains are characterized. These differences and similarities through the Gardens of the tradition of separating the two countries to build their Garden by site Soswaewon and Zolzengwon appear in the target hand is to identify the characteristics between the director. Research methods literature survey, field survey of the natural environment through the plantation, background history, the people who intend to study, to configure the ground water space, Jian, construction and management has been studied in hydroponics. As a result, Damyang-gun, Jeollanam-do, South Korea in the Garden of the Soswaewon(瀟灑園) organization with inner garden and outer garden of a small, but the scale of production to Yang San-Bo's 'eunilgwan' implement security based rock mooring takes the form of a linear channel and the water came down from riding pending to avoid artifacts gathered again took the form of streams flowing into that. Hutton was a rubble pile structure Jian. Building an Gwangpunggak, Jewoldang, as Daebongdae consist, respectively, depending on the purpose of the mooring was deployed by focusing. The other hand, is located at Suzhou, Jiangsu of China Zolzengwon(拙政園) flat terrain is located on. Largely divided eastern gardens, Central Gardens and the Gardens of the West was conducted by five thirds of the total area of Water accounted for. Pavilion the center of the pond, Seokgasan achieve a variety of landscapes and architectural features that are most of the Ming. The two countries, each region's natural environment and human environment, different, unique characteristics to each other in the implementation of a unique hydroponic Garden tube and ideological backgrounds, but especially the 'eunilgwan' and the terrain that is divided according to the conditions of this study, so fulfilling Garden was conducted.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.44-55
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• 2012

This study is to interpret how landscape aesthetic characteristics of moderation, which is the point of human-oriented neo-confucianism vision, are projected to the landscape organization of a Dodong-SeoWon, known for its overflow to neo-confucianism grounds and standards among domestic SeoWon. The aspects of neo-confucianism discussion in the shape of Dodong-SeoWon with the beauty of from and contents dominating the landscape of Dodong-SeoWon different from constructive completeness as 7 external and internal landscape organization including placement, circulation, setting, vista, fencing, naming, and decoration are as follows. The left direction of Dodong-SeoWon, part of external organization, is the result of landscape organization that emphasized the stage of moderation through the unification of man and nature by naturalizing natural direction to human-oriented directions. Important aspects to rule external orders and standards of Dodong-SeoWon are principles of one classes based on ranks and bilateral symmetry that is the unity of setting and circulation landscape organization from penetrating the spirit of moderation with no bias. By securing territoriality by fencing the unity of verticality and horizontality, the landscape organization to reach moderation is expressed. Meanwhile, Suwoloo(水月樓) perceived on the floor of central assembly hall, the formation of time frame from roof piles of Hwanjumun(喚主門) as well as pilars of Jungjeongdang(中正堂), and rime link method inducing visual balance and openness through segment, combination, and others are vista organization that show the ideality of unique neo-confucianism building. Also as part of landscape organization contents. semantically, building name including arrangement from Taegukdoseol, ideological naming following the name of Ssanggye-SeoWon, which is the former body, the name of the hall symbolizing the transfer of neo-confucianism enlightenment, impartiality with no bias, as well as Geoinjae(居仁齋) and Geoijae(居義齋) based on olympic, are also results of applying neo-confucianism standards. Additionally. the SeoHoe(瑞花) expressing the change of IleumIlyang(一陰一陽) on the stylobate of Jungjeongdang, Saeho(細虎) which goes up and down, as well as Simul made of four dragons, are artistic expression of the moderation that symbolizes the harmony of ying and yang with no exceeding or insufficiency. Humorous and unique rocks and stones evenly arranged in all spots of Dodong-SeoWon are to promote anti-strict organization by offsetting the image and external order of the lecture hall as strict as it is, and this is very ironic as it is the other landscape organization in different dimension as well as the expression of moderation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.96-105
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• 2011

This study analyzed literary works and references related to Dok-Rak-Dang(獨樂堂) and the attributes of managing the landscape in Dok-Rak-Dang Garden based on the assumption of position and the spatial structure revealed in the site. Hoe-Jae Lee Eon-Jeok(1491-1553), a distinguished scholar of Neo-Confusionism, built Dok-Rak-Dang and managed the surrounding areas during his retirement years. He called the mountains, stream, and rock along and near the Ja-Ge Stream Four Mountains and Five Platforms(四山五臺). Before he named these, they were not considered special. The Four Mountains which are Do-Duk in north, Mu-Hak in south, Hwa-Gae in east, and Ja-Ok in west enclose Dok-Rak-Dang and the surrounding areas. The Five Platforms, Se-Sim, Gwan-Eo, Yeong-Gue, Jing-Sim, and Tak-Yeong, in order from downstream, are places with beautiful scenery in Ja-Ge Stream. The attributes of managing the landscape in Dok-Rak-Dang Garden are the following: One is the spatial integration of what is natural and artificial as the attitude of aesthetic experience in accord with nature. Another is flexible territorialization as the way of organizing spaces in nature from the experiential aspect. The other is place making of personalized nature through a series of processes such as observing, choosing, and naming landscapes in nature. Four Mountains and Five Platforms function as landscape bases and elements to appreciate nature aesthetically. Those attributes are different from the attitude of constructing spaces. Rather, they originate from the traditional view on the appreciation of nature. Above all, place-making in nature was acquired from designed spatial structure and experiential aesthetic appreciation in the space through observing, choosing, and naming landscapes in nature reflecting creator's own ideological and aesthetic thoughts, and it might be explained as one of practical ways of Korean traditional gardening.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.1-21
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• 2013

This study has researched the characteristics and elements of the chuibyong, a sort of trellis in the Joseon Dynasty through the old pictorial data. The results were as follows; First, as a result of the analysis for the 25 pictorial data in the Joseon Dynasty, the chuibyongs have usually functioned as screening the facility to protect the private life and dividing the spaces of the site, but it was internally regarded as the props which symbolized the dignity and elegance of high class. Especially, not only the faunas such as crane and deer, and the floras such as Pinus densiflora, Musa basjoo, bamboo species and Paulownia coreana, but also various garden elements including oddly shaped stone, pond and pavilion were shown in the surrounding area of the chuibyong, and they were considered as a series of combination that was needed in the ideal garden for the literati. Secondly, the chuibyong was recognized as the ideological object which was typical of the literati culture in the story derived from an ancient event of China. Such image has been reflected intactly in the garden culture, and the chuibyong has been used(considered) as the important scenery of the season to imitate and reenact the Chinese Classical Garden in the narrative painting. Thirdly, in terms of the shape and function, the chuibyong in the paintings in the Joseon Dynasty basically had the function of the shielding and spatial division. Fourthly, the height of the chuibyung was similar to the one of fence which exceeds the person's height or Youngbyek(影壁) which is installed in the front and the rear of the main gate in China, and the various shape's chuibyung was properly set up in many spaces. Lastly, the making of the chuibyong in Joseon Dynasty was related to the trend of the writer's culture which was popular nationally in Ming dynasty rather than the particular functions or the location conditions. Especially, the symbol expression of the chuibyong showed on 'Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden' which was brought from China was recreated in the mansion of the upper class in Hanyang city as the center, and the primary mode for the expression of the wealth and writer's spirit through the chuibyong was transformed into the high-quality's garden element which could be created in the royal palace or the mansion of the upper class. Also, the use of the chuibyung was changed by spreading into the residential style for common people after the mid-nineteenth century, and it means that the chuibyung was developed into Korean styles.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.127-150
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• 2018

Although Wangfu's Tian-Ren relations theory could not be free from the influence of the religious understanding of the Yinyangwuxing theory, which was prevalent in the times of two Hans, due to the limitations of the times, it refers to human status and capabilities here and there of the "Qianfulun" and traces of attempts to enhance humans' ability to preside and attempts to dilute the powers of Tian(heaven) and God can be found. In addition, the fact that the theory shifted the focus of the administration and politics of the state from Tian(heaven) to the people can be also said to be highly worthwhile. Of course, when seen from philosophical, political, social, and economic perspectives, Wangfu's primary concern can be said to have been the stabilization of people's livelihood. The influence and contribution of Wangfu's ?Qianfulun? as such on the aspects of political and philosophical thoughts in the society at the time can be said to be comparable to those of Wangchong. Although there are the limitations of the situations of the times faced by Wangfu that made him unable to surpass the standardized paradigm of the Tian-Ren response theory, when seen from other perspectives, the fact that he severely criticized the confused social conditions at that time unlike other intellectuals in the confused situations at the end of the East Han Dynasty period can be said to be worth affirmation. The fact that Wangfu, who tried to work on the basis, the stabilization of the people's livelihood, concentrated most of his energy on overcoming the situation of national internal and external troubles such as breaking down the bad customs of operating the national administration by religious notions such as natural calamity or superstition instead of trying to solve the problems of the times from the academic and ideological aspects as with Wangchong can be also said to be valuable in itself. In addition, Wangfu naturally became to take the lead in breaking down deeply superstitious notions such as the Yinyangwuxing theory and the Chanwei theory while he was conducting studies on how practical problems could be overcome facing the situations in the turbulent period.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.39
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• pp.29-52
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• 2013

Philosophy of respect righteousness advocated by Nammyung points to what first needs to be done to drive social changes. It is consistent with the Confucianism, which views the world from within oneself. After all, developing a proper view of the society starts from looking at oneself in the right perspective. The view that personal cultivation can develop into cultivation and eventually reform of the entire society is also present in Confucius' belief that one can only be at peace after disciplining oneself and observe good manners only after perseverance. Also, one can lead the world in peace only after disciplining one's body and mind. In other words, it suggests that individuals and the community where they belong to are not independent from one another. Rather, individuals gather to create a society and righteous individuals are the basis for righteous society. These principles of social system in Confucianism can be understood as a mutual or layered division and integration. The society is not conflicted with individuals or the nation but rather perceived as moral communities to co-exist. Hence, power of execution observed in the philosophy of respect and righteousness by Nammyung is identical to power of execution applied to the society. The power of execution shows up as 'the execution of righteousness' in Nammyung's philosophy of respect and righteousness. It is also demonstrated in the acts by Nammyung's disciples when the nation was at crisis. This is what differentiates Nammyung's new-Confucianism in Joseon Dynasty from Toegye or Yulgok as he tried to deliver 'the execution of righteousness.' It does not mean that neo-Confucian scholars did not emphasize the importance of execution, but Nammyung, in particular, warned how deceitful ideological or inner-directed thinking can be since they fail to come up with concrete solutions to social issues. In summary, Nammyung's moral discipline and training based on respect and righteousness cannot be evaluated in a state of vacuum separate from social and historical aspects but under the context of enlightening virtue and social execution. This can draw the conclusion that Nammyung's execution of respect and righteousness is in the starting point of the realistic 'theory of social reform' for creating a better world.