• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.62-74
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• 2023

Much attention has been focused on the Baekpoman area due to the archaeological achievements of the past, but studies on prehistoric times when villages began to form is insufficient, and the Bronze Age village landscape was examined in order to supplement this. In the area of Baekpo Bay, the natural geographical limit connected to the inland was culturally confirmed by the distribution density of dolmens, and the generality of the Bronze Age settlement was confirmed with the Hwangsan-ri settlement. Bunto Village in Hwangsan-ri represents a farming-based village in the Baekpo Bay area, and the residential group and the tomb group are located on the same hill, and it is composed of three individual residential groups, and the village landscape had attached buildings used as warehouses and storage facilities. In the area of Baekpo Bay, it spread in the Tamjin River basin and the Yeongsan River basin where Songgukri culture and dolmen culture were integrated, and the density distribution of the villages was considered to correspond to the distribution density of dolmens. In order to examine the landscape of village distribution, the classification of Sochon-Jungchon-Daechon was applied, and it was classified as Sochon, a sub-unit constituting the village, in that the number of settlements constituting the village in the Bronze Age was mostly less than five. There are numerical differences between Jungchon and Daechon, and the distribution pattern does not necessarily coincide with the hierarchy. The three individual residential groups of Bunto Village in Hwangsan-ri are Jungchon composed of complex communities of blood relatives with each family community, and a stabilized village landscape was created in the Gusancheon area. In the area of Baekpo Bay, Bronze Age villages formed a landscape in which small villages were scattered around the rivers and formed a single-layered relationship. Dolmens (tombs) were formed between the villages and villages, and seem to have coexisted. Sochondeul is a family community based on agriculture, and it is believed that self-sufficient stabilized rural villages that live by acquiring various wild resources in rivers, mountains, and the sea formed a landscape.

• Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology & Nutrition
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.56-78
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• 1998

Objective: Chronic hepatitis B infection (CHB) occurs in 6% to 10% of population in Korea. In ethinic communities where prevalence of chronic infection is high such as Korea, transmission of hepatitis B infection is either vertical (ie, by perinatal infection) or by close family contact (usually from mothers or siblings) during the first 5 years of life. The development of chronic hepatitis B infection is increasingly more common the earlier a person is exposed to the virus, particularly in fetal and neonatal life. And it progress to cirrhosis and hepatocellular carcinoma, especially in severe liver damage and perinatal infection. Histopathology of CHB is important when evaluating the final outcomes. A numerical scoring system which is a semiquantitatively assessed objective reproducible classification of chronic viral hepatitis, is a valuable tool for statistical analysis when predicting the outcome and evaluating antiviral and other therapies. In this study, a numerical scoring system (Ludwig system) was applied and compared with the conventional histological classification of De Groute. And the comparative analysis of cinical findings, family history, serology, and liver function test by histopathological findings in chronic hepatitis B of children was done. Methods: Ninety nine patients [mean age=9 years (range=17 months to 16 years)] with clinical, biochemical, serological and histological patterns of chronic HBV infection included in this study. Five of these children had hepatocelluar carcinoma. They were 83 male and 16 female children. They all underwent liver biopsies and histologic evaluation was performed by one pathologist. The biopsy specimens were classified, according to the standard criteria of De Groute as follows: normal, chronic lobular hepatitis (CLH), chronic persistent hepatitis (CPH), mild to severe chronic active hepatitis (CAH), or active cirrhosis, inactive cirrhosis, hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC). And the biopsy specimens were also assessed and scored semiquantitatively by the numerical scoring Ludwig system. Serum HBsAg, anti-HBs, HBeAg, anti-HBe, anti-HBc (IgG, IgM), and HDV were measured by radioimunoassays. Results: Male predominated in a proportion of 5.2:1 for all patients. Of 99 patients, 2 cases had normal, 2 cases had CLH, 22 cases had CPH, 40 cases had mild CAH, 19 cases had moderate CAH, 1 case had severe CAH, 7 cases had active cirrhosis, 1 case had inactive cirrhosis, and 5 cases had HCC. The mean age, sex distribution, symptoms, signs, and family history did not differ statistically among the different histologic groups. The numerical scoring system was correlated well with the conventional histological classification. The histological activity evaluated by both the conventional classification and the scoring system was more severe as the levels of serum aminotransferases were higher. In contrast, the levels of serum aminotransferases were not useful for predicting the degree of histologic activity because of its wide range overlapping. When the histological activity was more severe and especially the cirrhosis more progressing, the prothrombin time was more prolonged. The histological severity was inversely related with the duration of seroconversion of HBeAg. Conclusions: The histological activity could not be accurately predicted by clinical and biochemical findings, but by the proper histological classification of the numerical scoring system for the biopsy specimen. The numerical scoring system was correlated well with the conventional histological classification, and it seems to be a valuable tool for the statistical analysis when predicting the outcome and evaluating effects of antiviral and other therapies in chronic hepatitis B in children.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.112-138
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• 2021

This paper mainly analyzes the records titled 'Shijujil(施主秩)' from the Bokjangs of each of the Rocana and Shakyamuni statues enshrined as wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triadcomposed of Vairocana(center), Rocana(right), and Shakyamuni(left) at the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple in Gurye. The Shijujil from the Shakyamuni statue was recovered through Bokjang investigation in September 2015 and has been kept in the museum of Hwaeomsa as an undisclosed relic. After the discovery of the Shijujil from the Rocana statue through an Bokjang investigation in July 2020, both of the Shijujils were only officially released through the special exhibition 'Grand Hwaeomsa Temple in Jirisan Mountain' in September 2021. Existing documents recording on the creation of Buddha statues in the 17th century are in the form of sheets or rolls. However, the Shijujils take the form of simple stitched booklets. The Shijujil from Rocana consists of 19 chapters and 38 pages in one book, and the Shijujil from Shakyamuni consists of 11 chapters and 22 pages in one book. The contents of the Shijujils consist of the purpose of the Buddha statue creation, the creation date, the year and place of enshrining, the names of the statues, the people in charge and their roles, the sculptors, the list of items donated, and the list of the contributors. In addition, the list of monks who were staying at Hwaeomsa Temple at that time are also recorded, so the Shijujil is like a time capsule that tells the situation of Hwaeomsa Temple about 400 years ago. According to the records of the Shijujils and the Writing on the wooden pedestal of Rocana, the Vairocana Triad began to be in March 1634(12th year of King Injo) and was completed in August of that year, and was enshrined in the Daeungjeon Hall in the fall of the following year. It is very important to confirm that the Vairocana Buddha Triad of Hwaeomsa was created in 1634. Since studies on the reconstruction of Hwaeomsa Temple in the 17th century and the roles of Byeokam Gakseong have been mainly based on 『湖南道求禮縣智異山大華嚴寺事蹟』 written by monk Haean in 1636, it has been estimated that the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad was created in 1636. However, it is now known that the Virocana Buddha Triad was created in 1634. The Shijujils are also a good source of information about Byeokam Gakseong who played a pivotal roles in the reconstruction projects of Hwaeomsa Temple in the 17th century. He played leading roles in rebuilding the East Five-story Stone Pagoda(1630), in creating the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad(1634), and in producing the Yeongsanhoe Gwaebul(1653, Hanging Scroll Painting depicting the Shakyamuni preaching). It is also very important that the Shijujils are records that can reveal the relationship between Byeokam Gakseong and royal family of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century. The Shijujils from Rocana and Shakyamuni are the first documents ever discovered in which the names of royal family members, such as Uichanggun(Gwang Lee, son of King Seonjo), Ikseong Shin(son-in-law of King Seonjo), and Crown Prince Sohyeon(son of King Injo) are recorded in detail in relation to the production of Buddha statues. The Shijujils from Rocana and Shakyamuni contain specific information about the production of the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad in the 17th century, such as the year of production of the Buddha statues, the role of Byeokam Gakseong, and the relationship between Byeokam Gakseong and the royal family, so it is of great value not only for art history but also for historical studies of Hwaeomsa Temple.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.186-205
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• 2013

${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ in the Kansong Art Museum is an album of poems and pictures of apricot tree, orchids and bamboos drawn by Lee Jeong. Given that the poems and pictures in the album were drawn by Lee Jeong who has been recognized as a person who established the standards of ink bamboo drawings in the Joseon Dynasty, the album is highly valuable. Nevertheless, there are more values and meanings that Three Purities Album has. The production circumstances and transmission processes of Three Purities Album include the historical characteristics and meanings of the time so that it is also worthwhile as a historical material. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Lee Jeong was stabbed with a sword by Japanese invaders and got injured. After he suffered, he tried to make his masterpiece in his lifework and finally created Three Purities Album. For the work, Lee Jeong received memorial writings from Choi Rip, Cha Cheon-ro and Han Ho, and asked them writings. They were the best literary men in the poem and calligraphy fields at that time. Yu Geun, Lee An-nul, and Yu Mong-in made writings and poems to praise his work. Likewise, ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is the 'treasure of the time' created through the participation of the best literary men at that time. Given the aspects, it is fair to say that ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is not simply a personal artwork of Lee Jeong, but is a comprehensive artwork and also a cultural monument created through the skills and capabilities of the literary artists in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. After the death of Lee Jeong, Three Purities Album was handed over to Hong Ju-won. But, during the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, the album was in danger of disappearance by fire. As of now, there are still signs of fire in it, which vividly shows the urgent situation at that time. After the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, Hong Ju-won recovered some damaged writings with the help of Yoon Shin-ji. Since then, the album had been handed down as a family treasure over the next 7 generations. It can be found in the writings by Song Si-yeol and Uh Yu-bong. Unlike the literary men who praised Three Purities Album in terms of its work when Lee Joeng was alive, they focused on the transmission courses of the album and involved persons. That seems to be because the stories and characters appearing in Three Purities Album impressed the later literary men and were meaningful to them rather than the album itself. It strongly reflected the positions of Hong Jung-gi and Hung Sang-han who asked for writings as the descendants of Hong Ju-won. That is because the traces of the persons involved in Three Purities Album are the causes for admiring their ancestors and enhancing their political legitimacy and family dignity. Therefore, in this aspect, it is possible to witness the fundamental causes of the unique artistic awareness by East Asian people who consider their historical meanings as well as the aesthetic value of artworks significant. Unfortunately, during the Japanese invasion at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, Three Purities Album was handed over to Japanese Tzuboikouso. But, fortunately, Jeon Hyeong-pil who made an effort to regain our cultural assets by investing his entire property during the Japanese Imperialism regained the album, which is now preserved in the Kansong Art Museum. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ truly includes the whole processes to overcome national crises that Korean people experienced during the Japanese Invasion in 1592, the second Manchu Invasion of Korea in 1636, and the Japanese Imperialism, and it shows the sufferings of our cultural assets and the history of preservation. Also, the album shows that one artwork is able to accumulate its historical meanings in the process of transmission and thus enhances its meanings and values. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ features accumulative and constant historical meanings and it is a typical case showing that an artwork is plenty of aesthetic and historical values. It is expected that this work will contribute to promoting more studies on finding historical meanings and hysteresis of artworks.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.52 no.5
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• pp.557-566
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• 2009

Purpose : To evaluate the clinical features and characteristics of childhood periodic syndromes (CPS) in Korea using the new criteria of the International Classification of Headache Disorders (ICHD)-II. Methods : The study was conducted at pediatric neurology clinics of five urban tertiary-care medical centers in Korea from January 2006 to December 2007. Patients (44 consecutive children and adolescents) were divided into three groups (cyclic vomiting syndrome [CVS], abdominal migraine [AM], and benign paroxysmal vertigo of childhood [BPVC]) by recurrent paroxysmal episodes of vomiting, abdominal pain, dizziness, and/or vertigo using the ICHD-II criteria and their characteristics were compared. Results : Totally, 16 boys (36.4%) and 28 girls (63.6%) were examined (aged 4-18 yr), with 20 CVS (45.5%), 8 AM (18.2%), and 16 BPVC (36.4%) patients. The mean age at symptom onset was $6.3{\pm}3.6$ yr, $8.5{\pm}2.7$ yr, and $8.5{\pm}2.9$ yr in the CVS, AM, and BPVC groups, respectively, showing that symptoms appeared earliest in the CVS group. The mean age at diagnosis was $8.0{\pm}3.4$ yr, $10.5{\pm}2.6$ yr, and $10.1{\pm}3.2$ yr the CVS, AM, and BPVC groups, respectively. Of the 44 patients, 17 (38.6%) had a history of recurrent headaches and 11 (25.0%) showed typical symptoms of migraine headache, with 5 CVS (25.0%), 2 AM (25.0%), and 4 BPVC (25.0%) patients. Family history of migraine was found in 9 patients (20.4%): 4 in the CVS group (20.0%), 2 in the AM group (25.0%), and 3 in the BPVC group (18.8%). Conclusion : The significant time lag between the age at symptom onset and final diagnosis possibly indicates poor knowledge of CPS among pediatric practitioners, especially in Korea. A high index of suspicion may be the first step toward caring for these patients. Furthermore, a population-based longitudinal study is necessary to determine the incidence and natural course of these syndromes.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.309-334
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• 2012

This study attempts to study in what form Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty has existed and discuss the contents and characteristics of ideological aspects forming the foundation of private Taoism. While Guan Yu Belief(關帝信仰) in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is a folk belief focusing on Guan Yu, Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎) and Musangdan(無相壇) are religious groups with organization. In case of Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎), 'Seoneumjeul' contains perspective of Tian(天觀) of Confucianism but the ascetic practice method is to practice by reciting the name of the Buddha and the targets of a belief are Gwanje, Munchang, Buwoo. This shows the unified phenomenon of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Guan Yu Belief started at the national level led by the royal family of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 was firmly settled in non-official circles. Guan Yu in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is expressed as the incarnation of loyalty and filial piety as well as God controlling life, death and fate. As this divine power and empowerment were spreading as scriptures among people, Guan Yu Belief was settled as a target to defeat the evil and invoke a blessing. Seoneumjeulgyo is the religious group that imitated 'Paekryunsa(白蓮社)' of Ming Qing time of China. Seoneumjeulgyo emphasized 'sympathy' with God through chanting. And it expressed writing written in the state of religious ecstasy as 'Binan(飛鸞).' Binan is also called as revelation and means to be revealed from heaven in the state united with God. Seoneumjeulgyo pursued the state united with God through a recitation of a spell and made scriptures written in the state united with God as its central doctrine. Musangdan published and spread Nanseo(鸞書,Book written by the revelation from God) and Seonso(善書) while worshipping Sam Sung Je Kun(三聖帝君). The scriptures of Folk Taoismin the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty can be roughly divided into Nanseo(鸞書) and Seonso(善書). Nanseo is a book written by the revelation from God and Seonso is a book to the standards of good deeds and encourage a person to do them such as Taishangganyingbian(太上感應篇) and Gonghwagyuk(功過格). The characteristics of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty are as follows. First, a shrine of Guan Yu built for political reasons played a central role of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Second, specific private Taoist groups such as Temple $Myory{\breve{o}}nsa$ and Musangdan appeared in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. These are Nandan Taoism(鸞壇道敎) that pursued the unity of God through 'sympathy' with God. Third, private Taoism of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ was influenced by the unity of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism with private Taoism in the Qing Dynasty of China and religious organization form etc. Fourth, the Folk Taoism scriptures of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are divided into Nanseo and Seonso and Nanseo directly made in $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ is expected to be the key to reveal the characteristics of Folk Taoism.

• Childhood Kidney Diseases
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.222-230
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• 2005

Purpose : ARC syndrome refers to an association of arthrogryposis, renal tubular dysfunction, and cholestasis. The VPS33B gene was recently identified as the causative gene. So far, 41 cases of ARC syndrome have been reported worldwide, and it has rarely been reported in Korea. This study was conducted to report the clinical findings of seven ARC syndrome cases in Korean children, focusing especially on renal tubular dysfunction. Methods : The hospital records of 7 cases diagnosed as ARC syndrome at Severance Hospital between Mar. 1995 and Aug. 2005 were reviewed and analyzed. Results : Of the 7 cases, 4 were boys and 3 were girls. Six patients(85$\%$) were born with normal birth weight at term, and one was born at preterm. All cases presented with cholestasis and severe jaundice. According to the type of arthrogryposis described by Brown et al, type 3 and 4 were found in 2 patients and type,6, 7, and the undistributed type in one patient respectively. Other associated clinical findings were as follows : failure to thrive in 6(85$\%$), lax skin in 5(71$\%$), and gray platelet syndrome in 4(57$\%$). Urine analysis revealed 6 cases(85$\%$) with proteinuria, 3(43$\%$) with hematuria, 5(71$\%$) with glycosuria, 2(29$\%$) with phosphaturia and 2(29$\%$) with calciuria. Serum electrolytes showed 4 cases(57$\%$) with hyponatremia, 3(43$\%$) with hypokalemia, and 1(14$\%$) with creatinine elevation. Renal tubular dysfunctions were diagnosed as renal tubular acidosis in 6 cases(85$\%$), nephrogenic diabetes insipidus in 2(29$\%$), and Fanconi syndrome in 2(29$\%$). During the follow-up period, 2(29$\%$) had no treatment, 5(85$\%$) had continuous supplementation to correct the electrolyte imbalance and acidosis, and 1(14$\%$) had dialysis. Only one patient had a family history of ARE syndrome in a sibling. Four cases(57$\%$) were diagnosed at the mean age of 8.2 months, and one case was lost during follow-up. Ages of the survived 2 cases were 13 and 25 months, respectively. Conclusion : The rare disease of ARC syndrome Is associated with severe renal dysfunction. However, this study revealed that the renal manifestation of ARC syndrome in Korean children is relatively mild and survival rate is higher than that of previous studies. Contrary to previous reports, this study showed that familial cases are rare and sporadic occurence is possible in Korea. Thus, the diagnosis of this syndrome requires a careful evaluation of the venal function in cases of congenital arthrogryposis, and a mandatory genetic counseling of affected family for prevention of familial occurance. (J Korean Soc Pediatr Nephrol 2005;9:222-230)

• Journal of Oral Medicine and Pain
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.157-175
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• 2007

This study was conducted through an interview process in which questionnaires were administered to 293 people. The questionnaires related to the behaviors of oral hygiene care, and disease history related to halitosis, and status of halitosis, halitosis measurement, oral examination, and caries activity tests such as the snyder test, Salivary flow rate test, and Salivary buffering capacity test. Our sample was taken from 293 rural residents within the period from 4th to 21st of January 2006. This was done in order to provide basic data to prepare both policies of halitosis prevention and a device to efficiently measure halitosis status and investigate the factors related therein. The major findings of this study results are as follows: 1. As for frequency of tooth brushing, twice a day occupied the greatest portion at 46.1 % Women exceeded men in frequency of tooth brushing. Tongue brushing everyday produced a 25.6 % result among subjects and The use of auxiliary oral hygiene devices occupied 9.2 %. 2. As for degree of usual self-awareness of halitosis: 62.5 %. This result also demonstrate that the severest time of self-awareness in regards to halitosis is wake up time in the morning. The time period produced the highest portion of 72.7 % in times of self-awareness. In terms of the area in which halitosis was observed, gum resulted in 23.0 %. As for types of halitosis, fetid smell was the most frequent at 37.2 %. 3. As for the result of halitosis measurement, values of OG less than 50 ppm occupied 54.3 % and $50{\sim}100ppm$ occupied 41.6 %. As for $NH_3$ values, $20{\sim}60ppm$ showed the highest value range of 52.6 %. 4. As for OG per disease history related to halitosis, values of OG were significantly high in the ranges of $50{\sim}100ppm$ within family history groups of food impaction by dental caries, diabetes mellitus and halitosis. As for values of $NH_3$, there showed a significant difference in respiratory system disease groups. 5 Value range of OG per ordinary halitosis self-awareness degree: values ranging less than 50 ppm were recorded at 55.9 % from the group realizing not aware of smell. 57.5 % from groups only realizing sometimes, while values range of $50{\sim}100ppm$ were recorded at 52.0 % from groups always aware of smell. 63.6 % from groups always strongly aware of smell. Meanwhile as for the values ranges of $NH_3$, $20{\sim}60ppm$. they occupied high portions for all groups of exams. 6. Values of OG per oral examination: the more pulp-exposed teeth and food impaction and the higher the tongue plaque index, values of OG increased within the range of $50{\sim}100ppm$. As for values of $NH_3$, the more prosthetic teeth and the higher the tongue plaque index, this value increased significantly, and the values increased up to no less than 60 ppm for groups of mandibular partial denture. 7. Within the realm of caries activity test: as for the Snyder test, high activity was highest by 43.0 % wherewith the higher the activity of acidogenic bacteria the higher the OG values. As for the salivary flow rate test, the number of cases below 8.0 ml showed the highest tendency by 62.5 %. The larger the salivary flow rate the more decreased OG values distribution. As for the salivary buffering capacity test, $6{\sim}10$ drops of 0.1N lactic acid showed the overwhelming trend by 58.7 % whereby the higher the salivary buffering capacity the greater distribution occupancy ratio of OG values below 50 ppm which is scentless to on ordinary person. 8. As for the correlation between oral environment and halitosis, OG showed the positive correlation with pulp exposed teeth, filled teeth, present teeth, tongue plaque index, and food impaction, while the negative correlation with salivary flow rate and prosthetic teeth. $NH_3$ showed a positive correlation with prosthetic teeth and frequency of tooth brushing, while decayed teeth was negative correlation. 9. As for the multiple regression analysis result, there have been selected female, pulp exposed teeth, prosthetic teeth, food impaction, salivary flow rate, tongue plaque index and severe activities in the Snyder test as factors affecting OG wherein explanatory power on it was 45.1 %. There have been selected females, pulp exposed teeth, tongue plaque index, and prosthetic teeth as factors affecting on $NH_3$ wherein explanatory power on it was 6.6 %. With the aforementioned results in mind, the status of halitosis among rural residents is considered to bare a close relation with oral environments and other factors related to halitosis such as the Snyder test from caries activity test, and salivary flow rate test. For the prevention of halitosis of residents in rural areas, we have to focus on correct tooth brushing methods and tongue brushing, with using auxiliary oral hygiene devices to remove fur of tongue plaque and food impaction. Also, when the cause and ingredients of halitosis are diverse and complex, in order to analyze exactly the factors of individual halitosis development, we need continuous and systematic study in order to provide rural residents with programs of oral hygiene education and encourage the use of dental hygienists in public health centers.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.73-77
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• 2008

Purpose : p16 gene, mapped to the 9p21 chromosomal region, has emerged as a candidate tumor suppressor gene in human neoplasm. It is an inhibitor of cyclin-dependent kinase and inhibits Rb phosphorylation. In a variety of tumors including childhood acute lymphoblastic leukemia (ALL), deletion and/or mutation of the p16 gene has been found. Despite their high frequency, the prognostic importance of p16 alterations is still controversial in ALL and has been reported to be either unfavorable or similar to that of other patients. We studied the correlation between loss of p16 protein confirmed by immunohistochemical staining and clinical outcomes of patients diagnosed as ALL. Methods : We performed an immunohistochemical staining for p16 protein in 74 cases of bone marrow biopsy slide initially diagnosed as ALL between January 1998 and December 2006. We reviewed the clinical manifestations, laboratory findings, treatment outcomes retrospectively. Results : Of 74 slides, 12 were negative for p16 protein. Seven were males and 5 were females with a median age at diagnosis was 5.8 (1.3-18.8) years. Initial WBC were 17,225 $(500-403,300)/{\mu}L$. By immunologic surface marker analysis, 7 patients were early pre-B CALLA (+) and 5 patients were T-cell ALL. Two patients of intermediate risk group had relapsed and died. Three patients had family history of breast cancer. Four patients died and overall survival rates were $53.5{\pm}18.7%$. Conclusion : Loss of p16 protein is supposed to be an independent risk factor of childhood ALL associated with poor outcomes. In clinical setting, the clinician must take into account p16 status, not only at the genomic but also at the protein level. Further clinical experience on thoroughly investigated cases will help a better understanding between p16 status and clinical outcomes.