• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.271-309
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• 2010

The main theme of this study is about North Korea's contemporary military strategy which remained a blind spot in the 21st century. Indeed, Pyongyang's contemporary military strategy is evolved from the logic of War. On the basis of this logic, this study examined North Korea's contemporary military strategy with three analytical frameworks. The first is the discovery of Clausewitz's dictums and application of the Trinitarian analysis on the Korean cases. During the course of applying Clausewitzian main dictum--War as continuation of politics, the methodological analysis on war played a important role generalizing the pattern and matrix of North Korea's strategic thinking and military strategy. In particular, Clausewitz's Trinitarian framework on war -Government (reason), Army (chance), People (passion)- was a universal framework to scrutinize the North Korean missile and nuclear strategy. The second is about the matrix of North Korea's military strategy, The study suggested the genealogical feature of Pyongyang's military strategy. In principle, the dictum of 'Military-First Politics' 1S the combination of the political philosophy, Chuch'e (self-reliance) of Kim Il Sung and Kin Jong Il reflected in the military readiness. As a result this analysis was able to equate Clausewitz's dictums to explain Pyongyang's idea of the nature of war in that North Korea's military strategy is the central instrument of delivery to achieve political objectives. The third is about the theoretical encounter of 'Clausewitz's Wonderful Trinity' and 'Remarkable Trinity on North Korea's contemporary strategy'. On the basis, three elements are connected to one of three groups in society; the people, the military, and the government. In order to apply the Clausewitz's Trinitarian analysis into Kim Jong Il's 'Military-First' strategy, two case studies (Missile and Nuclear strategy) were examined. The finding of this study is that Clausewitzian dictum in the 19th century is still valid in the 21st century as it provided plausible theoretical framework to explain the North Korean contemporary military strategy with a reminder that the nature and logic of war are fixed in the socially constructed state.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.66-74
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• 2016

In what way is the urban landscape of North Korea used today, and what features do people prefer in the North Korean landscape? This study analyzed the characteristics of Pyongyang landscapes and their effects, based on an analysis of Western tourists motivation for tourism in North Korea and preferred enjoyment-seeking experiences. Using data from the tourist agency specializing in Western tourism in North Korea and a location based photo-sharing service, the study interprets the visual distinctiveness of Pyongyang landscape. The study concluded that widely known risk to travelers in North Korea is in fact an attraction, making people want to visit directly. However, this risk was mitigated in practical experience by the overall intermediation of the tourism agency and locals' conscious behavior to keep their distance from foreigners. Next, the scope of National ritual attributes was expanded to the locals' daily life as well as large-scale events such as mass games and military parades only if for national holidays. Also, the most preferred factors contributing to North Korean tourism were based on departure from routine through mobilization of the residents. This indicates the extension that the nature of North Korea as a theater state. The Pyongyang landscape represents a world politically isolated, people's congregated motion to display to the world, and people's lives hidden beneath a veil. These visualities fulfill the fantasy of Westerners regarding North Korea. Furthermore, these are superficial images that help create a basis to maintain the North Korea regime.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.128-148
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• 2014

In south Korea, the so-called 'conservative-liberal' rivalry over the assessment of the government's North Korean policies is seen to be impeding the road to right policy choices. For example, the liberals accused former President Lee Myung-bak's hardline policy of provoking Pyongyang and leading to a deterioration of inter-Korean relations, while the conservatives appreciated it for helping nurture mutually beneficial inter-Korean relations in the longer term by compelling North Korea to observe international norms. However, such debate over the vices and virtues of Seoul's North Korea policies is hardly meaningful as the measuring sticks used by the liberals and the conservatives are entirely different matters. The two major goals South Korea must pursue with its North Korean policies should be 'peaceful management of division' and 'change in North Korea'. The former is related to maintaining stability within South Korea and promoting co-prosperity with North Korea. For this, the nation needs to engage, encompass and assist the Pyongyang regime. The second goal is also necessary since South Korea, as a divided nation, must seek a unified Korea under the system of democracy and market economies by bringing change in North Korea. For this, South Korea needs powerful leverages with which it can persuade and coerce the North. This means that the nation is destined to simultaneously chase the above-mentioned two goals, while also both recognizing and negating the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. This situation necessitates Seoul to apply flexibility in reconciling with Pyongyang while applying firm principles to sever the vicious circle involving the North's military provocations. The May 25 Measures, which banned trade and economic cooperation with the North except those related to humanitarian assistance, were taken as sanctions against Pyongyang for sinking the South Korean corvette Chonan in March 2010. The Measures were taken by the Seoul government immediately after a multinational investigation team discovered evidence confirming that the South Korean naval ship had been torpedoed by a midget North Korean submarine. Naturally, the May 24 Measures have since then become a major stumbling block in inter-Korean exchange, prompting opposition politicians and concerned entrepreneurs to demand Seoul to unilaterally lift the Measures. Given the significant damages the Measures have inflicted on inter-Korean economic relations, removing them remains as homework for both Koreas. However, the Measures pertains to the 'principles on national security' the Seoul government must adhere to under all circumstances. This is why North Korea's apology and promises not to repeat similar provocations must come first. For now, South Korea has no alternative but to let North Korea solve the problems it has created. South Korea's role is to help the North do so.

• Cement Symposium
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• no.1
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• pp.9-13
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• 1973

The first cement plant was erected in 1919 at nearby Pyongyang city, and afterthen 6 plants were constructed until 1942, but unfortunately only one plant with one rotary kiln which has yearly 150,000 tons capacity is located in east coast of South Korea a

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.63
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• pp.109-127
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• 2004

The Japanese colonialist studying the history of Korea thought that after Gochosun, Nakrang became the center of the four ruling districts of Han. This perception was based on the existence of Nakranggun near Pyongyang. This perception was extended by the

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.3
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• pp.169-196
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• 2005

The point of Bush administraion’s foreign policy is to support the promotion and stability of Democracy in Iraq and counter terrorism and spread of WMD with his strong propulsive force caused by his reelection. In such an environment, there are his leadership, his team, himself, Kim Jung Il, and a new understanding of North Korea after September 11 as the effective factors of Bush administration’s policy toward Pyongyang. Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea also shows the process of North Korea’s nuclear weapon program and the future scenario of the Korean Peninsula with "the persistence of solving North Korea’s nuclear weapon program such as the method having done in Lybia", "the holding unconditional talks with Pyongyang, and "the continual concerns with human rights in North Korea." The purpose of Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea is to make North Korea do not support terrorism rather than remove the nuclear weapon in North Korea. The process of outlining South Korea’s policy toward North Korea must be considered for "national interest" with reasonable analyses not just hopes For this, South Korea must access systematically human rights of North Korea, prepare projects for a daring approach on North Korea, and strengthen South Korea’s defense ability toward North Korea with deep alliance with U.S and systematize the mutual understanding channel between U.S and South Korea. In conclusion, South Korea must try to get specific methods and practices about Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea with national wisdom

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.65-76
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• 2019

Modern Joseon Architecture is North Korea's unique building style that interprets Korean traditional architecture in a modern way, and its most distinctive design feature is the Paljak roof that decorates the upper part of the buildings. This paper argues that continuous attempts at characterizing the nature of traditional Korean architecture in the late 1950s and early 1960s developed the theoretical rationale for the exclusive use of the Paljak roof in Modern Joseon Architecture. It also argues that the construction of the Pyongyang Grand Theater and the Okryu Restaurant during this period became a decisive moment for the formalization of the Paljak roof. The double roof rafters and gables and the "cheerful yet solemn" roofline were considered as main characteristic features of the Korean roof and the Paljak roof perfectly fits this description. Particularly, in North Korean society where Kim Il Sung became idolized as an impersonalized deity, an anecdote in which Kim Il Sung fixed a prominent gabled roof in the Pyongyang Grand Theater into a Paljak roof has allowed for the roof to gain an exclusive status. Hence, almost all Modern Joseon Architecture since the 1960s accepted the Paljak roof's monopoly position, rather than experimenting with other traditional roof types.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Building Construction
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.371-378
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• 2022

The Ryomyong Street project is the only construction project for which the construction cost is known, but its scale cannot be estimated because it is marked in North Korean Won. In this paper, the construction cost per m² of North Korean apartment building construction was calculated based on the construction and assembly amount of the Ryomyong Street project. 160 to 1 was calculated as the ratio of the building construction cost per m² between South and North Korea based on the Ryomyong Street project in Pyongyang and Seoul Housing & Communities Corporation. This ratio can be used to assume the construction size presented in North Korean won as there is no official exchange rate between the two Koreas.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.110-134
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• 2023

North Korea's development and deployment of nuclear weapons increases Pyongyang's diplomatic bargaining leverage. It is a strategic response to counteract the great expansion in US leverage with the collapse of the USSR. Post-Cold War American influence and hegemony is justified partly by claiming victory in successfully containing an allegedly imperialist Soviet Union. The US created and led formal and informal international institutions as part of its decades-long containment grand strategy against the USSR. The US now exploits these institutions to expedite US unilateral global preeminence. Third World regimes perceived as remnants of the Cold War era that resist accommodating to American demands are stereotyped as rogue states. Rogue regimes are criminal offenders who should be brought to justice, i.e. regime change is required. The initiation of summit diplomacy between US President Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un occurred following the January 2018 Hawaiian ballistic missile false alarm. This event and its political consequences illustrate the efficacy of nuclear weapons as bargaining leverage for so-called rogue actors. North Korea is highly unlikely to surrender those weapons that were the instigation for the subsequent summit diplomacy that occurred. A broader, critical trend-focused strategic analysis is necessary to adopt a longer-term view of the on-going Korean nuclear crisis. The aim would be to conceptualize long-term policies that increase the probability that nuclear weapons capability becomes a largely irrelevant issue in interaction between Pyongyang, Seoul, Beijing and Washington.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.20-55
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• 2016

Koguryo's tomb mural paintings in North Korea are our precious cultural heritage which have been designated as UNESCO World Heritage property receiving high praise in the following criterion, i) exceptional creativeness of human being, ii) representative value showing the stage of development in construction history of East-Asia, iii) aesthetic superiority iv) uniqueness of building construction including tombs' ceiling. Mural paintings have been found from almost 100 tombs of the Koguryo dynasty out of 130 which are scattered across Huanren County, Lianoning Province, Ji'an, Jilin Province in China and Pyongyang in North Korea. Especially, most of them are gathered in Pyongyang from 4th and 5th century. Peculiarly, some of them have been constructed before King Jangsu's transfer of the capital to Pyongyang(AD 427). It can be regarded that Pyongyang territory had been under control of Koguryo and to become a new capital in the near future. And dense emergence of such tombs since the capital transfer from Gungnae City to Pyongyang during the reign of Jangsu is linked closely to the construction of tombs for rulers under strengthen royal authority of Jangsu and centralized system of authoritarian rule. Tomb mural paintings describe the owner's figure pictorially based on the truth just as in his living years. General lifestyles of ruling powers and sovereigns can be seen from the wall paintings portraying several buildings with various styles, figures, manners of living, which are considered that the tomb owner had led politically and sociologically in his life. In spite of not enough proofs to approve figure of architectures or "Gong-Po" in wall paintings on the tombs as those of Koguryo, it is persuasive with consideration for painting and decoration inside the tomb like wooden building in real life for the purpose of reenacting and continuing the tomb owner's luxurious life after death. "Du-Gong-Po-Zak" had appeared in company with Koguryo tomb murals and it can be found in most of the murals. And the emergence of substantial "Gong-Po-Do" can be counted more than a century ahead of the figure in murals. It could be a reasonable assumption as regards Koguryo tomb murals time of appearance match up with production period of Gahyungmyunggi(家形明器) and Hwasangseok(畵像石) Hwasangjeon(畵像塼) Design in the Mural Painting of the East-Han(東漢) Ancient Tombs in China. On this study, architectural "Gong-Po"s described in Koguryo tomb murals are categorized largely in "Bi(non)-Po-Zak-kye", "Jun(semi)-Po-Zak-kye", and "Po-Zak-kye" based on presence of "Ju-Du", "Cheom-Cha", and "Cheom-Cha-Sal-Mi" with developmental aspect, and, "Po-zak" is subdivided as "Bi(non)-Cheul-Mok" and "Cheul-Mok" types.