• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권8호
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• pp.271-309
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• 2010

The main theme of this study is about North Korea's contemporary military strategy which remained a blind spot in the 21st century. Indeed, Pyongyang's contemporary military strategy is evolved from the logic of War. On the basis of this logic, this study examined North Korea's contemporary military strategy with three analytical frameworks. The first is the discovery of Clausewitz's dictums and application of the Trinitarian analysis on the Korean cases. During the course of applying Clausewitzian main dictum--War as continuation of politics, the methodological analysis on war played a important role generalizing the pattern and matrix of North Korea's strategic thinking and military strategy. In particular, Clausewitz's Trinitarian framework on war -Government (reason), Army (chance), People (passion)- was a universal framework to scrutinize the North Korean missile and nuclear strategy. The second is about the matrix of North Korea's military strategy, The study suggested the genealogical feature of Pyongyang's military strategy. In principle, the dictum of 'Military-First Politics' 1S the combination of the political philosophy, Chuch'e (self-reliance) of Kim Il Sung and Kin Jong Il reflected in the military readiness. As a result this analysis was able to equate Clausewitz's dictums to explain Pyongyang's idea of the nature of war in that North Korea's military strategy is the central instrument of delivery to achieve political objectives. The third is about the theoretical encounter of 'Clausewitz's Wonderful Trinity' and 'Remarkable Trinity on North Korea's contemporary strategy'. On the basis, three elements are connected to one of three groups in society; the people, the military, and the government. In order to apply the Clausewitz's Trinitarian analysis into Kim Jong Il's 'Military-First' strategy, two case studies (Missile and Nuclear strategy) were examined. The finding of this study is that Clausewitzian dictum in the 19th century is still valid in the 21st century as it provided plausible theoretical framework to explain the North Korean contemporary military strategy with a reminder that the nature and logic of war are fixed in the socially constructed state.

• 한국조경학회지
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• 제44권4호
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• pp.66-74
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• 2016

안전에 대한 우려에도 불구하고 사람들이 북한을 여행하는 이유는 무엇인가? 가서 보고자 하는 것과 그 특성은 무엇인가? 이 논문은 서구권의 관광객의 시각을 대변하는 매체를 통해 북한 관광의 방식과 북한 체제의 합으로 만들어지는 평양 경관의 시각적 특수성을 해석했다. 다크 투어리즘과 극장 국가 이론을 토대로 서구권의 북한 관광 홍보 문구, 관광 에이전시 자료, 위치정보태그 기반 사진공유 웹사이트를 본 결과, 평양 경관의 시각적 특수성에 대해 다음의 결론에 이르렀다. 북한의 위험성은 예상과 달리 오히려 북한을 직접 가보고 싶게끔 만드는 매력으로 역할하고 있다. 그러나 북한 관광의 고유한 특성으로 인해 실재 관광의 과정에서 위험이 차단되며, 이로써 관광객은 관광의 계기로 삼았던 위험 속에서의 모험을 지속하게 된다. 관광객이 구경하는 대규모 국가 의례는 북한 주민의 일상생활에서까지 작동하여 극장 국가적 성격의 확장이 나타난다. 정치적으로 고립된 세계, 그 세계를 유지하고 보여주기 위한 집단의 몸짓, 베일에 가려진 사람들의 삶을 대변하는 평양의 경관은 서구권의 북한에 대한 환상을 충족시키는 한편, 북한의 체제 유지의 근거를 만들어내는 피상적 이미지이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권34호
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• pp.128-148
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• 2014

In south Korea, the so-called 'conservative-liberal' rivalry over the assessment of the government's North Korean policies is seen to be impeding the road to right policy choices. For example, the liberals accused former President Lee Myung-bak's hardline policy of provoking Pyongyang and leading to a deterioration of inter-Korean relations, while the conservatives appreciated it for helping nurture mutually beneficial inter-Korean relations in the longer term by compelling North Korea to observe international norms. However, such debate over the vices and virtues of Seoul's North Korea policies is hardly meaningful as the measuring sticks used by the liberals and the conservatives are entirely different matters. The two major goals South Korea must pursue with its North Korean policies should be 'peaceful management of division' and 'change in North Korea'. The former is related to maintaining stability within South Korea and promoting co-prosperity with North Korea. For this, the nation needs to engage, encompass and assist the Pyongyang regime. The second goal is also necessary since South Korea, as a divided nation, must seek a unified Korea under the system of democracy and market economies by bringing change in North Korea. For this, South Korea needs powerful leverages with which it can persuade and coerce the North. This means that the nation is destined to simultaneously chase the above-mentioned two goals, while also both recognizing and negating the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. This situation necessitates Seoul to apply flexibility in reconciling with Pyongyang while applying firm principles to sever the vicious circle involving the North's military provocations. The May 25 Measures, which banned trade and economic cooperation with the North except those related to humanitarian assistance, were taken as sanctions against Pyongyang for sinking the South Korean corvette Chonan in March 2010. The Measures were taken by the Seoul government immediately after a multinational investigation team discovered evidence confirming that the South Korean naval ship had been torpedoed by a midget North Korean submarine. Naturally, the May 24 Measures have since then become a major stumbling block in inter-Korean exchange, prompting opposition politicians and concerned entrepreneurs to demand Seoul to unilaterally lift the Measures. Given the significant damages the Measures have inflicted on inter-Korean economic relations, removing them remains as homework for both Koreas. However, the Measures pertains to the 'principles on national security' the Seoul government must adhere to under all circumstances. This is why North Korea's apology and promises not to repeat similar provocations must come first. For now, South Korea has no alternative but to let North Korea solve the problems it has created. South Korea's role is to help the North do so.

• 시멘트 심포지엄
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• 1호
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• pp.9-13
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• 1973

The first cement plant was erected in 1919 at nearby Pyongyang city, and afterthen 6 plants were constructed until 1942, but unfortunately only one plant with one rotary kiln which has yearly 150,000 tons capacity is located in east coast of South Korea a

• 고문화
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• 63호
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• pp.109-127
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• 2004

일제는 고조선의 멸망과 동시에 중국의 한나라가 한반도에 낙랑을 중심으로 한 한사군을 설치하였다고 인식한다. 평양 인근에 있었던 낙랑군은 이 인식의 기초였으며, 낙랑군의 유적의 조사를 통해 확대되었고, 평양부립박물관의 설립을 통해 고착화되었다. 첫째, 조선총독부는 낙랑군을 확실한 실체로 인식하고 있었다. 낙랑군 곧 중국인들의 조선인 지배를 통해 조선인들은 문화적으로 성숙할 수 있었으며, 이후 조선의 문화적 기계를 형성하고 있다고 보았다. 둘째, 낙랑군 인식은 인식에서 그친 것이 아니라 실증적인 증명절차를 거치는데, 이것이 바로 고적조사 보존사업이다. 고적조사보존사업은 ${\ulcorner}$고적조사위원회${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$조선고적연구회${\lrcorner}$등이 주도해 갔고, 총독부와 밀접한 관계를 맺는다. 이 때 발견된 유물들의 해석을 통해 낙랑군의 인식은 더욱 확대된다. 넷째, 낙랑군과 관련된 유물의 수집과 그 보존에 대한 평양부립박물관 설립으로 이어진다. 실증적인 자료들이 박물관 안에 전시된 것이다. 전시는 곧 그 유물이 간직하고 있는 역사가 사실임을 입증하는 것이었고, 이는 그 역사를 고착시키는 역할을 한다. 일제의 낙랑군 역사 인식을 증명하는 곳이 바로 평양부립박물관이었다.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권3호
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• pp.169-196
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• 2005

The point of Bush administraion’s foreign policy is to support the promotion and stability of Democracy in Iraq and counter terrorism and spread of WMD with his strong propulsive force caused by his reelection. In such an environment, there are his leadership, his team, himself, Kim Jung Il, and a new understanding of North Korea after September 11 as the effective factors of Bush administration’s policy toward Pyongyang. Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea also shows the process of North Korea’s nuclear weapon program and the future scenario of the Korean Peninsula with "the persistence of solving North Korea’s nuclear weapon program such as the method having done in Lybia", "the holding unconditional talks with Pyongyang, and "the continual concerns with human rights in North Korea." The purpose of Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea is to make North Korea do not support terrorism rather than remove the nuclear weapon in North Korea. The process of outlining South Korea’s policy toward North Korea must be considered for "national interest" with reasonable analyses not just hopes For this, South Korea must access systematically human rights of North Korea, prepare projects for a daring approach on North Korea, and strengthen South Korea’s defense ability toward North Korea with deep alliance with U.S and systematize the mutual understanding channel between U.S and South Korea. In conclusion, South Korea must try to get specific methods and practices about Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea with national wisdom

• 건축역사연구
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• 제28권2호
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• pp.65-76
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• 2019

Modern Joseon Architecture is North Korea's unique building style that interprets Korean traditional architecture in a modern way, and its most distinctive design feature is the Paljak roof that decorates the upper part of the buildings. This paper argues that continuous attempts at characterizing the nature of traditional Korean architecture in the late 1950s and early 1960s developed the theoretical rationale for the exclusive use of the Paljak roof in Modern Joseon Architecture. It also argues that the construction of the Pyongyang Grand Theater and the Okryu Restaurant during this period became a decisive moment for the formalization of the Paljak roof. The double roof rafters and gables and the "cheerful yet solemn" roofline were considered as main characteristic features of the Korean roof and the Paljak roof perfectly fits this description. Particularly, in North Korean society where Kim Il Sung became idolized as an impersonalized deity, an anecdote in which Kim Il Sung fixed a prominent gabled roof in the Pyongyang Grand Theater into a Paljak roof has allowed for the roof to gain an exclusive status. Hence, almost all Modern Joseon Architecture since the 1960s accepted the Paljak roof's monopoly position, rather than experimenting with other traditional roof types.

• 한국건축시공학회지
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• 제22권4호
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• pp.371-378
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• 2022

려명거리 사업은 건설비용이 알려진 유일한 건축사업이지만 북한원으로 표기되어 그 규모를 짐작할 수 없다. 본 논문에서는 려명거리의 건설조립액을 기준으로, 북한 아파트 신축공사의 m²당 공사 원가를 산출하고, 이를 서울주택도시공사가 공개한 원가와 비교하여 남한과 북한의 건축공사비 비율을 산출했다. 그 결과는 160대 1이었고 이는 남북 공식 환율이 없는 상황에서 북한원으로 표기된 공사 규모 추정에 이용될 수 있으며, 향후 남북 공동으로 건축사업을 계획할 때, 상대의 화폐단위로 산출된 건축공사 원가를 이해하는 데 일조할 것으로 기대한다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.110-134
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• 2023

North Korea's development and deployment of nuclear weapons increases Pyongyang's diplomatic bargaining leverage. It is a strategic response to counteract the great expansion in US leverage with the collapse of the USSR. Post-Cold War American influence and hegemony is justified partly by claiming victory in successfully containing an allegedly imperialist Soviet Union. The US created and led formal and informal international institutions as part of its decades-long containment grand strategy against the USSR. The US now exploits these institutions to expedite US unilateral global preeminence. Third World regimes perceived as remnants of the Cold War era that resist accommodating to American demands are stereotyped as rogue states. Rogue regimes are criminal offenders who should be brought to justice, i.e. regime change is required. The initiation of summit diplomacy between US President Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un occurred following the January 2018 Hawaiian ballistic missile false alarm. This event and its political consequences illustrate the efficacy of nuclear weapons as bargaining leverage for so-called rogue actors. North Korea is highly unlikely to surrender those weapons that were the instigation for the subsequent summit diplomacy that occurred. A broader, critical trend-focused strategic analysis is necessary to adopt a longer-term view of the on-going Korean nuclear crisis. The aim would be to conceptualize long-term policies that increase the probability that nuclear weapons capability becomes a largely irrelevant issue in interaction between Pyongyang, Seoul, Beijing and Washington.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제49권2호
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• pp.20-55
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• 2016

본 연구는 우리나라 공포양식(?包樣式)의 초시적인 모습이라 할 수 있는 고구려 고분벽화에 묘사된 공포도(?包圖)를 북방 주변 국가와의 문화적 교류와 천도(遷都)에 따른 지역 시기 형상별로 고찰하고 유형별로 체계화 정립을 주 내용으로 한다. 고구려 고분벽화에 묘사된 공포는 지상에서의 묘주가 통치자로서 군사 행정 정치 사회적으로 누렸던 지위나 신분에 따른 옥사(屋舍)의 제한과도 밀접한 관련이 있으므로 묘주 생전 지상가옥의 공포형태에 직접적인 관련이 있다고 보이며, 지상에서의 실제 공포 출현시기는 고분 축조 편년보다 최소한 1세기 이상 앞선 것으로 추정이 가능하다. 이는, 고구려 지상에서의 공포출현시기와 관련하여, 공포가 묘사된 중국 동한기(東漢期) 고분(古墳) 내 가형명기(家形明器)와 화상석(?像石) 화상전(畵像塼)의 제작시기와도 대체로 일치한다는 점에서도 추정을 이해할 수 있다. 본 연구 결과, 고분벽화에 묘사된 공포도는 비포작계, 준포작계, 포작계로 대별되고, 포작계는 비출목형과 출목형으로 세분하였다. 또한 고구려 공포는 한(漢) 이후 같은 동이족인 북위(北魏)로부터 유입되었으며, 고구려 풍토와 정서에 맞도록 토착화되어 고유한 고구려 형식의 공포체계로 발전 확립되었다. 고구려 멸망(668) 이후 이러한 기법은 문화적 교류 및 망명인들에 의해 주변국에서 그 맥을 이어갔다.