• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.55-94
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• 2010

Even Faxian(法顯)'s Gaosengfaxianchuan (『高僧法顯傳』) and Iching(義淨)'s Nanhaijiguineifachuan (『南海寄歸內法傳』) are regarded as very important and useful documents to study the southeast asian buddhist culture, it is very difficult to grasp the contemporary state of those area because their descriptions are very brief and implicit. Therefore this essay aimed an in-depth reading their documents as original texts of modern understanding of those area, and tried to make a new views to approach the southeast asian buddhist culture by some more historically and concretely. At the early 5th century when Faxian(法顯) arrived, Buddhism was flourished in Sri Lanka. Because already a long time passed since the Saṇgha was schismatized into conservative and progressive at around the dominical year, he mentioned nothing about the conflict or disharmony of two orders. And the faith of Buddha tooth relic, which had been uprisen at 50 years ago from Faxian's visiting, was concretely established as a representative religion of Sri Lanka. According to his record, the carrying ritual of this Buddha tooth was performed very magnificently as similar with recent Korean Youngsan ceremony(靈山齋). In the mean time, it looks there were many sculptures of Buddha image made of precious stone of special product from Sri Lanka. The faith of Buddha-pāda(the Buddha's foot-prints) was also generalized at that time. The most famous monk of his contemporary Sir Lanka was Buddhaghosa, the author of Visuddhi-magga, but it is not sure that Faxian had met him. It can be suspected that the funeral in which Faxian participated could be belonged to him, or the Visuddhi-magga was writing at the peak during Faxian's staying. On the way to return to China, Faxian embarked an indigenous ship around Indonesia. It means there were no chinese trade ship which he can use. So the trade between china and southeast asia was advanced by south asian ships, and the chinese ships were not yet joined at that time so activity. And at least until that time, it looks there were no any remarkable buddhist movement in the southeast asian countries by where he stopped. In contrast, the southeast asian world which be seen by Iching had already experienced a lot of changes. He was impressed by the high quality buddhist culture of those area, and insisted to accept it to china. Further, he analyzed the sects of buddhism which were prevalent around the southeast asia in his contemporary time, and tried to make a good relationship with each native monks for learning from them. It looks the center of those exchanges may be Śrīvijaya of Indonesia. He also mentioned the situation of the late 7th century's Funan(扶南) in Cambodia. At that time, the buddhist Saṇgha was oppressed by newly rising Khmer(眞臘). On the other hand, he described the points of sameness and difference in detail between Indian and southeast asian buddhist culture in the field of ritual as like the practical use of garments, buddha images, and daily recited scriptures. There must be a lot of another aspects which this essay couldn't gather up or catch from these documents. Nevertheless, I hope this essay can help the researchers of this field and will wait for any advices and comments from them.

• 기호학연구
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• no.54
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

This paper attempts to divide the narrative into three levels and review the approach methodology to understand Princess Bari as a narrative. If the stratification of the narrative, the analysis of each levels, and the integrated approach to them are made, this can contribute to suggesting new directions and ways to understand and study Princess Bari. The story level of Princess Bari, the surface structure, is shaped by the space movement and the chronological sequential structure of the life task that started from the birth of the main character. This story shows how a woman who was denied her existence by her father as soon as she was born finds an ontological transformation and identities through a process. Especially, the journey of finding identity is mainly formed through the events that occur through the relationship with family members. This structure, which can be found in the narrative level, forms a deep structure with the oppositional paradigm of family members' conflict and reconciliation, life and death. The thought structure revealed in this story is the problem of life is the problem of family composition, and the problem of death is also the same. In response to how to look at the unified world of coexistence of life and death, this tradition group of myths makes a relationship with man and God. This story is mainly communicated in the Korean shamanistic ritual(Gut) that sent the dead to the afterlife. Although the shaman is the sender and the participants in the ritual are the receivers, the story is well known a message that does not have new information repeated in certain situations. In gut, the patrons and participants do not simply accept the narrative as a message, but accept themselves as codes for reconstructing their lives and behavior through autocommunication. By accepting the characters and events of as a homeomorphism relationship with their lives, people accept the everyday life as an integrated view of life and death, disjunction and communication, conflict and reconciliation, and the present viewpoint. It can not change the real world, but it changes the attitude of 'I' about life. And it is a change and transformation that can be achieved through personal communication like the transformation of Princess Bari into god in myth. Thus, Princess Bari shows that each meaning and function in the story level, composition level, and communication level is related to each other. In addition, the structure revealed by this narrative on three levels is also effective in revealing the collective consciousness and cultural system of the transmission group.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.85-110
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• 2022

This study investigates the production and use, development of Buncheongsagisang-gamunryongmunho, focusing on Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) in the early the Joseon Dynasty. The Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) which is the size of a large bottle as high as 50cm is a form of stability to have gorgeous decorativeness with the inlaid and stamped pattern. The Buncheongsagisanggamunryongmunho is the Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) used for Flower Vessels(花樽) at Royal Ritual in King Sejong(世宗) era. In the 1420s and 1430s, made in Premium ceramic factory of Sangju-mok, it is Blue and white porcelain in reference to dragon and cloud patterns in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties in aspects of shapes and patterns, to the inlaid Celadon in the period of Late Goryeo Dynasty in aspects of patterns, and to Joseon porcelain in aspects of shapes and decoration techniques. The Joseon Royal family found out the appropriateness of the founding of the dynasty and the base for the system of civilization from Ming dynasty, to follow Ming dynasty by choosing white porcelains as the King's vessel. Jars passed down from Emperor Ming served as a standard for Royal Ritual Jars, to use Blue and White Porcelain Jar with dragon and cloud patterns as Flower Vessels(花樽) and Liquor Vessels(酒樽) for ages. Consequently, the Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) as Royal Ritual Jar had been used till 1430's when Blue and white porcelain Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(靑花雲龍白磁酒海) was passed down from Emperor Ming, Xuande Emperor(宣德帝), only to lose its Meaning and Use as the Royal Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) during the early Joseon Period gradually.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.141-158
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• 2008

The goal of this paper is to analyze Korean migration to the Russian Far East(RFE) from the perspective of transnationalism. The analysis suggests that the Korean migrants could have constructed their transnational identities using the following practices: religious ritual, language uses, collective remittances, ethnic businesses, immigrant newspapers, and immigrant associations. In particular, the Korean migrants could have retained transnational interconnection between the places of origin and destination even without the process of globalization, which is regarded as an inevitable incentive to transnationalism in the literature. The Korean case indicates that the contextual changes in the sending and receiving countries, for instance, the establishment of a Japanese protectorate over Korea and the Russian Revolution, significantly facilitated the formation of transnational relationships among the Korean immigrants.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.15-23
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• 1977

This article is to study Dopo, man's traditional robe, which was worn by courtiers and scholars in Yi dynasty (AD 1392-1910). This article deals with its history and transition according to relative documents available, and presents its construction method with reference to relics. It is recorded that Dopo was first worn about the middle of the time of Yi dynasty. Dopo, however, seems to have its origin in the robe of Koguryo dynasty (BC 37-AD 668). Dopo was an ordinary robe to court officials, whereas Confucian scholars wore it as an official uniform or a ritual robe. ft was a long over-coat with V-neck line, and, round and wide sleeves. Dopo was so long that its edge reached wearer's ankels. One of the widest sleeves of relics was 58cm in size. Another unique characteristics Dopo had, were that its back cloth splited in two on center line, which was fully covered and added with-another cloth called 'Jeonsam'. Accordingly, a cloth-30cm in width and 30 yards in length-was needed to make Dopo. Since the reform of 1894 it was prohibited to wear, and then was replaced with Durumagi, a strait collar and narrow-sleeved robe.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.241-263
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• 2001

The objectives of this study were empirically to test the reformative model for Korean sacrificial rite and to investigate the effects of demographic variables. the survey was conducted by means of questionnaire with 600 persons located in Seoul. Major findings were as follows ; 1, Sacrificial day ; was displayed (1) dead day (2) holiday in back and forth of dead day 2. Sacrificial time ; was showed (1) 8-9 h. p.m (2) 6-7 h. p.m 3. Sacrificial extent ; was displayed (1) grandparents and parents (2) only parents 4. Participative extent ; was showed (1) Cousin (2) only sons and daughters 5. Sacrificial procedure ; was displayed twice deep bow and 1 minute\`s silent prayer. 6. New year's and Chusok's rite ; was showed (1) simple foods (2) joint leisure time 7. Sacrificial table ; was displayed (1) boiled rice . water . gustoish articles. (2) omission of food table 8. rite\`s socialization ; was showed (1) delivery and marketing sale\`s food (2) special sacrificial restaurant. 9. Womens'and mens'difference ; women were active 7ut men were passive 10. Age's difference ; excepting 30-40, the all generations were more reformative. 11. Number of brothers ; small number of brothers were more reformative than a many number. 12. Sacrificial manager or not , managers were conservative than persons were not managers.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.60 no.1
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• pp.56-75
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• 2010

Jeju island is located in far from main land and has very harsh environment that has formed an unique clothing style as well. In addition, the popular belief has been developed with originality even their clothing. Therefore, this study is concerned with costumes worn for various ritual events and to analyze their features in Jeju. The shamanism served 18,000 gods are composed to 12 different types of the events for wealth, safety, heath, sadness or thanks. The costumes worn by officiating priests or 'Simbang(shaman)' depend on the occasion of an event, and they are different for male and female performers. The styles of costumes for religious service can be divided into 7 types: Regulation dress(Jebok), Korean full-dress attire(Dopo), Official uniform(Danryung), Military uniform(Gunbok), Formal dress (Durumagi), Casual wears and Special costumes. The costumes for religion events are not various and splendid as compare with another province in Jeju. Because, when simbang expired, their clothings had been burned according to custom. However, It is important materials for us to know the clothing of time. We should keep studing that costume more as a valuable culture.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.133-147
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• 2004

Korean funeral customs are an important part of the mourning process in Korea. A survey was conducted in the southern part by the Nak-dong river, centered around the city of Busan to examine Korean funeral rites. This study was conducted with survey research. The target population included 234 teachers and experienced the death of a family member within the last three years. Results showed that they presented their condolences 5 to 6 times on average per year. Funeral rites were performed usually at a hospital funeral hall. The preference of burial to cremation was about the same. According to the survey, funeral expenses averaged 9,570,000 won and donations received for funeral expenses, 12,630,000 won. Problems the respondents expressed about the process included large funeral expenses, the decision whether to bury or cremate, and fatigue from staying up all night. When classified according to the demographic characteristics, there were significant differences in the variables. Frequency of attending funerals depended on gender, age, and health status. Condolence style depended on religion. The type of funeral (burial or cremation) depended on family income. The type of reception depended on gender. Funeral expenses depended on the age Second, in the process of preparing for a family member's death, they thought it was important to prepare a funeral ceremony portrait of the deceased and a scroll by themselves, and the preparation

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.58 no.10
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• pp.52-64
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• 2008

The purpose of this study is to analyze the characteristics of Seon that was expressed in the costumes of worldly figures illustrated in Koryo Buddhist paintings. Findings of the study can be summarized as follows. Out of the above mentioned costumes, except those for Buddha and Bodhisattava, most were actually worn by people of Koryo. Shown in the paintings, the patterns and decorations of Seon are more brilliant and diverse in part of worldly figures than in that of Buddhist figures. For men, Seon was mainly used to robes for Buddhist priest while, for women, costumes for the queen and noble women. Seon was applied to costumes for both men and women, especially Po for ritual purposes. Besides, it was sometimes used to Buddhist priests' robes and women's Banbi and chima. The patterns of Seon were usually single in composition style and scattering in arrangement style. Whether applied to costumes for men or women, Seon usually had complementary colors that were harmonized.