• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.327-354
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• 2011

This study has a key assumption that 'characteristics of discouse can be found in not its inside, but its outside'. The prism through which we can see those characteristics was provided by Foucault and Bakhtin who were introduced in the study. As an effort co probe the outside of discourse, the study is briefed 'the three attributes of discourse' that were suggested by Foucault First, discourse has the principle of selection and exclusion, which is based on power relations. Second, discourse is not transparent at all since it is always offensive towards other discourses and defensive against selected ones Third, discourse which is naturally accepted because of its dailiness had a deep structure secretly hidden in it. Based on the above attributes, Foucault and Bakhtin paid their attention to the outside of discourse. Specifically, they considered discourse fundamentally and went beyond it, and reflected the procedures of discourse. This study focused on 'Socrates', something common in the two scholars' works with discourse. In dealing with discourse, Bakhtin started with 'Socratic dialogue' that is based on the dialogic nature of human thoughts which purse the truth. For Foucault, it was Socrates who had the 'courage to cell the truth' and practiced 'self-consideration'. According to Foucault, the ethics of self-practice originated from the philosopher. The ethics is neither the precise representation of individual life that is withdrawn towards the inner self, nor the skills of happiness. It is just relational and cross-sectional. For a better understanding, this study pointed out that Kafka created a variety of 'dialogic voices' focusing on the outside of discourse. Dialogues found in his writings are 'interminable dialogues' that truly 'communicate with different times and different spaces'. For example, his novel, 'Der Prozess' opens the possibility of discussing in various ways the court which is look beyond conventions and extraordinary. Kafka's novels have a structure that their starting point found at the introduction reappears at the termination, presenting multi-vocal dialogues.

• Journal of vocational education research
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.309-334
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• 2010

Under the global economic competition, company competitiveness depends on creating high performance through effective human development. It is also a tendency to analyze organization members'competencies and outcomes, develop competency model, and apply the model to developing and managing human resource in each organization. Therefore, this study figures out the present condition of development of competency model and its application to examine the degree to which the competency model, which has been introduced to Korean companies for the use of competency diagnosis of members, is being utilized. For this purpose, survey items were created by expert council and advisory committee and survey was conducted for Korean corporations. The result shows that most of the companies, regardless of size and type, develop their own model by referring to outside models, or use models developed by consulting company lead. Therefore, it is urgent for the companies to develop model appropriate for the peculiarity of each company. Second, while the main reason to introduce competency model was to reinforce workers' competency, models developed have not widely utilized in HRM overall. There is a need to overcome a limit of utilization of models. Third, Majority responded that they, regardless of size and type, upgraded models or did not upgrade at all due to change of work environment. There is also a need to systematize follow-up care of the models. This is a primary research to examine the present condition of development of competency model and its application in company so that it can be used as springboard to study in-depth inside condition of Korean company using competency model and condition of particular positions of company members.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.24-43
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• 2015

This study constitutes an inquiry into the decline of Government Office(官衙) facilities carried out intensively during modern era, focusing on provincial government offices of Jeollabuk-do. There have been several studies of changes in provincial government offices till now, but there have been few studies of government offices of the counties and prefectures(郡縣) during the period of the Japanese Resident-General of Korea and after the National Liberation, temporally and there have still been lacking studies on Jeollabuk-do, spatially. Thus, this study attempts to empirically prove the reasons and the time of the decline of provincial government offices in Jeollabuk-do and the characteristics in the process of decline focusing on modern era. As a result of the study, four factors: demolition, abolition, appropriation and disaster had the most decisive impacts on the decline of government office facilities. Demolition refers to the destruction of government office facilities, and abolition, to the decline and the discontinuation of the operation of the facilities. Appropriation refers to conversion to facilities to meet public functions, and disaster, damage from a typhoon or fire. These factors had already been started from the 1900s, and by the 1930s, most of the government office facilities came to lose their original looks and functions. In the meantime, there was an essential purpose in demolition, the most direct factor in the destruction of the government office facilities in terms of function: that is new construction of public facilities necessary for administration and rule. The existing government office facilities were appropriated, sometimes, but behind that, many cases of demolition of the government office facilities for the new construction of public facilities are found. The appropriation of the government office facilities is divided into educational, administrative, financial and security facilities, and generally, Gaeksa(客舍) and Dongheon(東軒) were used respectively as educational and administrative facilities while their attached facilities were used as financial and public order and security facilities in general. Especially, some government office facilities were utilized as distinctive facilities such as housing or hospital. In the process of appropriation, a lot of modification occurred inside and outside the government office facilities, due to which, the government office facilities gradually declined losing their traditional styles.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.20-55
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• 2016

Koguryo's tomb mural paintings in North Korea are our precious cultural heritage which have been designated as UNESCO World Heritage property receiving high praise in the following criterion, i) exceptional creativeness of human being, ii) representative value showing the stage of development in construction history of East-Asia, iii) aesthetic superiority iv) uniqueness of building construction including tombs' ceiling. Mural paintings have been found from almost 100 tombs of the Koguryo dynasty out of 130 which are scattered across Huanren County, Lianoning Province, Ji'an, Jilin Province in China and Pyongyang in North Korea. Especially, most of them are gathered in Pyongyang from 4th and 5th century. Peculiarly, some of them have been constructed before King Jangsu's transfer of the capital to Pyongyang(AD 427). It can be regarded that Pyongyang territory had been under control of Koguryo and to become a new capital in the near future. And dense emergence of such tombs since the capital transfer from Gungnae City to Pyongyang during the reign of Jangsu is linked closely to the construction of tombs for rulers under strengthen royal authority of Jangsu and centralized system of authoritarian rule. Tomb mural paintings describe the owner's figure pictorially based on the truth just as in his living years. General lifestyles of ruling powers and sovereigns can be seen from the wall paintings portraying several buildings with various styles, figures, manners of living, which are considered that the tomb owner had led politically and sociologically in his life. In spite of not enough proofs to approve figure of architectures or "Gong-Po" in wall paintings on the tombs as those of Koguryo, it is persuasive with consideration for painting and decoration inside the tomb like wooden building in real life for the purpose of reenacting and continuing the tomb owner's luxurious life after death. "Du-Gong-Po-Zak" had appeared in company with Koguryo tomb murals and it can be found in most of the murals. And the emergence of substantial "Gong-Po-Do" can be counted more than a century ahead of the figure in murals. It could be a reasonable assumption as regards Koguryo tomb murals time of appearance match up with production period of Gahyungmyunggi(家形明器) and Hwasangseok(畵像石) Hwasangjeon(畵像塼) Design in the Mural Painting of the East-Han(東漢) Ancient Tombs in China. On this study, architectural "Gong-Po"s described in Koguryo tomb murals are categorized largely in "Bi(non)-Po-Zak-kye", "Jun(semi)-Po-Zak-kye", and "Po-Zak-kye" based on presence of "Ju-Du", "Cheom-Cha", and "Cheom-Cha-Sal-Mi" with developmental aspect, and, "Po-zak" is subdivided as "Bi(non)-Cheul-Mok" and "Cheul-Mok" types.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.142-157
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• 2016

In 2008, the oldest wooden tablets, in the Baekje area, were uncovered from the Bogam-ri site in Naju. This paper defines wooden tablets to as objects with inking inscriptions. Of 65 wooden tablets contained in the excavation report of this site, this paper examines the meanings of 13 tablets with inscriptions written in ink by comparing them with other tablets found in the Baekje area. All tablets were unearthed from Pit Feature No. 1, a large-scale feature, at this site. Vertical stratigraphy of the feature is divided into 43 layers; but it seems that it does not reflect the chronological order, since unearthed artefacts, including wooden tablets, pottery, and roof tiles, turned out to be produced at the same age. Wooden tablets were not found in other features, and intentionally buried in this feature. Typological characteristics of wooden tablets indicate that the pit was the secondary refuse place. The inscription of the wooden tablets labeled 'gyeongonyeon(庚午年)' and the radiocarbon dates of them indicate that these tablets were created in the early 7th century AD, centered in 610 AD. On the basis of contents and typological characteristics, these are classified into six documents, six tags, and one tablet for other purpose. Total 89 pieces of wooden tablets have been unearthed in the Baekje area. Except tablets found in Naju and Geumsan, all have been collected in palaces, royal gardens, and temples inside and outside of the Sabi Capital. The significant wooden tablets of Baekje, which can be compared with tablets from Bogam-ri, were unearthed at from the Gwanbuk-ri site, the Gungnamji site, and the Ssangbuk-ri 280-5 site. Comparative studies on wooden tablets have revealed that the place name during the Wungjin Commandery Period, the status marking method standardized in the order of place name, official rank and person's name, the fact that Baekje operated the system of prefecture(郡), and Bogam-ri was one of the places where prefecture was established, and the evidence of family register system. Wooden tablets at Bogam-ri record the documented date (610 AD), the documented place (Duhilseong where the prefecture established), and the writers (advisors and staffs of the prefecture). The recorded contents of them are invaluable data showing the local administrative system of Baekje, such as the status marking method, the means of description, the family-register system, and the land surveying system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.4-21
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• 2018

This paper reviewed the legitimacy of the name of those sixteen pieces of hat artifacts known in Korean as pyeongjeongmo and currently housed by the National Palace Museum. This was undertaken in order to rectify the error of calling them pyeongjeongmo. Also, the paper suggested pyeongjeongmo's production method to apply representation of the artifacts or production of Joseon officials' hats as representation of ritual costumes in the royal court. The name pyeongjeongmo originated from pyeongjeonggeon. Gyeongguk Daejeon recorded that noksas wore yugak-pyeongjeonggeon and seoris wore mugak-pyeongjeonggeon, but the pyeongjeongmo artifacts housed in the National Palace Museum have been found irrelevant to those pyeongjeonggeons put on by both noksas and seoris. Rather, they has been confirmed as corresponding to dugeon or jogeon worn by byeolgams or suboks who served at the palace of the crown prince or princess. Through the investigation of the artifacts, the researchers could find out the tailoring and sewing methods, the finished look, and the folding manner of pyeongjeonggeon. Although the structure of pyeongjeonggeon was generally consistent, the frontal look was slightly different depending on the folding manner, resulting in three distinguished types of pyeongjeonggeon. Regardless, the pyeongjeongmo was made with one piece of fabric by a flat tailoring and folding method to create a three-dimensional hat. The finished shape appeared low in the front and high in the back side structure. The head girth was 55~59 cm, and the height was 19.4~21.5 cm. To make it with one piece of fabric, the head girth part was tailored in the same direction as the strands. Based on the artifact Changdeok 23820, this paper has also suggested a finished reproduction through the processes of preparing the materials, mounting, making the center ornaments, sewing and folding. The tailoring was completed with black silk fabric which was cut in a unique shape designed in advance, and hemp fabric which was mounted to the former. The top part of the head was finished with black threads, and the center line at the back was fixed with decolored cotton threads by blanket stitches with 3.5~4 cm intervals. Bamboo strands were inserted in the inside of the front-folded part, which then was fixed by patterned stitches with white cotton thread. At the back, a small bamboo clasp was attached so that one can lock it to the headband and prevent it from falling off.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.120-141
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• 2015

This paper is a preliminary study of architectural characteristics of Jangdae (general's podium), which shows one of the technical changes in fortification of Joseon Dynasty. As a facility for commands of generals and training for officers and men, it was located inside a fortress. Although it is not certain when the first Jangdae was built, the number of them dramatically increased around 18th century. Since the top priority function of the Jangdae was the prospect, it was installed at the hilly spot with open architecture. In addition, the open structure of Eupseong fortress towers on the riverside banks could simultaneously offer the functions as viewing around and Jangdae. Since Jangdae was also a place for military drills and reviews of soldiers, a wide podium was positioned at the front to muster the soldiers. This feature was standardized in the space organization of Jangdae in Joseon, and a mere podium was installed unless the topographic restrictions allows enough space. On the other hand, as a place for a commander, the hierarchy of the Jangdae was revealed through a variety of architectural characteristics. The hierarchy was assigned to the commander's space through the altitude difference, and diverse ornaments were added to show a sense of class. The floor plan of the Jangdae building can be largely categorized into rectangle and square, and the typical sizes of the former are $5{\times}4$ Kans (traditional measuring unit between two columns) and $3{\times}2$ Kans. Out of these two types, buildings of $5{\times}4$ Kans were found in flat land and eupseong fortresses with large space, and the relatively smaller ones of $3{\times}2$ Kans in mountain fortresses. All buildings of square floor plan had $3{\times}3$ Kans style, and the center Kan was twice wider than the side Kan to make the central space wide. It seems that the purpose was to secure the interior space of the upper story because the center Kan accounts for the floor area of the upper story. Some Jangdae's had internal story to form overhead space. The multi-roofed tower style with eaves attached to the upper and lower story is found exclusively in Jangdae. The buildings shows the Onkanmulim style which extends Naejinju (inner column) of the lower story to be the Byeonju (outer column) of the upper story, and the log-framed floor in the upper floor was structured by inserting the Changbang (connecting beam) between the Naejinju's and joining the log frames. In addition, the towers in eupseong fortresses had log-framed floor in the upper floor by setting up the high Nuhaju (column underneath a roof) and joining Cheongbang to the upper part of the column while it cannot be regarded as multi-roofed because only the upper part has a roof.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.258-271
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• 2019

Recent changes in inter-Korean relations have encouraged South Korean archaeologists' interest in northern cultural heritage and their desire to conduct research. However, it is doubtful how much the South Korea really knows about the cultural ruins in North Korea and the cultural ruins to be found in the DMZ. In Korea, research data on the Japanese colonial period is scattered amongst national institutions and it is not possible to to collect, identify and document the data available in each institution. Typically, the data of Keiichi Ogawa(小川敬吉) is difficult to understand in its printed from. In addition, Ogawa has collected data from several national government agencies, and work is underway to collect architectural data and construct digital archives. This situation will not occur if we publish the data collected so far in digital form. Therefore, there is an urgent need to fully disclose the data related to Cheolwon which is owned by national institutions. If this data is analyzed, sufficient archaeological information can be obtained without excavation. On the other hand, one must wonder if the whole landscape of Cheolwon castle of Taebongguk cand be understood by investigating the interior of Cheolwon castle. This effort should be preceded by a survey on the ruins and the remains of the southern part of the southern boundary line. Rapid development and large-scale arrangement of cultivated land are likely to make it difficult to restore the external landscape related to the tillage demand that is required by the current situation. In the process of restoration of the actual Gyeongwon Line, it has been confirmed that serious irregularity has caused damage and the landscape has been transformed. In order to minimize these risks, it is urgent that we investigate the relics scattered in the southern part of the country, and not devote ourselves to the investigation of Cheolwon. In this regard, how much military, roads, excavation and archaeologists are prepared, centered on Cheolwon and scenery is an important question. I am curious as to how much preparation is provided to the Chulwon-gun and Gangwon-do in terms of administrative assistance, and how much archaeologists and excavation agencies are aware of the archaeological information of the inside and the southern part of the DMZ. Furthermore, how long have people been aware of the archaeological remains on the North Korean side? In order for da iscussion on Cheolwon and scenery to progress, it is necessary to carry out a precise investigation and accumulation of data on the remains in South Korea.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.243-271
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• 2016

When an aggressive war reached at the climax in 1940, a commemorative event called celebration' was held on a large scale in Japan for 'beginning former 2,600 years. It was performed for the policy that was going to break off the fatigue that was tired for nation dissatisfaction and war for the politics. I considered Urayasu-no-mai Dance played as part of a celebration event in a Shinto shrine of the all over Japan how was created and spread by this article Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created newly and was played in Shinto shrines of the whole country. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created based on Gagaku and Miko Mai (shrine maiden's dance) that has been read aloud not to go out of the ancient times. It was created in the situation of the war and spread and was spread. It will be said that Urayasu Dance is a typical example of 'forged traditional'. Urayasu Dance is a tradition made at modern time and remains for an unfortunate inheritance used again by the advertising tool of the national ideology. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance is expanded more now, without enough consideration about the historic procession other words, It played under a strong-arm society atmosphere is placed as new folk performing arts all too soon. In the complicated world situation at the time, Urayasu-no-mai Dance that emphasized a Japanese tradition for the inside and outside were spread. Urayasu-no-mai Dance created in modern times substitutes a traditional shaman dance, and there is even the tendency that ritual performing arts peculiar to each local Shinto shrine is unified to Urayasu-no-mai Dance. Such a movement shows a new aspect of the culture power that social turning to the right in Japan is not unrelated to becoming it. It is a traditional reinvention, or do you forge the tradition? I examined a process of a process and the spread of traditional creation produced consistently.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.351-379
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• 2015

In the Andes regions of Latin America continents, groups of diverse native tribes are intensively distributed.Among these tribes, the Aymara compose the most representative group of natives along with the Quechua. Especially, the Aymara who are concentrated on the border areas of Peru and Bolivia centered on Lake Titicaca have pursued common identity forming the same cultural area although they belong to different nations. In the meantime, the Aymara have maintained a sense of fellowship while emphasizing historicity and specialty, which are differentiated with groups of other natives based on a language constituting identity of the tribe. However, recently, focused on Puno State as the center of the border areas of both countries, the tribe's conflicts come to the surface. After being divided by the artificial boundary line, which was formed in the course of building modern countries after the independence, natives of Latin America started to emphasize differences simultaneously with cultural similarity in the frame of cooperation and competition. Together with the historical contexts, lately, focused on the border areas of Peru and Bolivia, as the same tribe came to be bound by the frameworks of different nations respectively, a new tribal conflict is being developed. Though the Aymara unite emphasizing cultural and historical specialty and recognizing them as one tribe, when they conflict with each other over inner interest, a tendency to form the identity of differentiation and distinction appeared even in the inside of the tribe. Usually, disorder between tribes seems to be originated from intertribal strife, which coexists in one region. In case of the Aymara of Peru and Bolivia, centered on Puno State where both countries maintain the border, an aspect that the fellowship of the tribe, which was established through old history changes into conflict structures by realistic conditions comes out. In understanding this point, this study analyzed the historical origin of the conflict of the Aymara and the deepened cause of the tribal disorder.