• Title/Summary/Keyword: Existence

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A Study of Intangible Cultural Heritage Communities through a Social Network Analysis - Focused on the Item of Jeongseon Arirang - (소셜 네트워크 분석을 통한 무형문화유산 공동체 지식연결망 연구 - 정선아리랑을 중심으로 -)

  • Oh, Jung-shim
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.3
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    • pp.172-187
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    • 2019
  • Knowledge of intangible cultural heritage is usually disseminated through word-of-mouth and actions rather than written records. Thus, people assemble to teach others about it and form communities. Accordingly, to understand and spread information about intangible cultural heritage properly, it is necessary to understand not only their attributes but also a community's relational characteristics. Community members include specialized transmitters who work under the auspices of institutions, and general transmitters who enjoy intangible cultural heritage in their daily lives. They converse about intangible cultural heritage in close relationships. However, to date, research has focused only on professionals. Thus, this study focused on the roles of general transmitters of intangible cultural heritage information by investigating intangible cultural heritage communities centering around Jeongseon Arirang; a social network analysis was performed. Regarding the research objectives presented in the introduction, the main findings of the study are summarized as follows. First, there were 197 links between 74 members of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community. One individual had connections with 2.7 persons on average, and all were connected through two steps in the community. However, the density and the clustering coefficient were low, 0.036 and 0.32, respectively; therefore, the cohesiveness of this community was low, and the relationships between the members were not strong. Second, 'Young-ran Yu', 'Nam-gi Kim' and 'Gil-ja Kim' were found to be the prominent figures of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community, and the central structure of the network was concentrated around these three individuals. Being located in the central structure of the network indicates that a person is popular and ranked high. Also, it means that a person has an advantage in terms of the speed and quantity of the acquisition of information and resources, and is in a relatively superior position in terms of bargaining power. Third, to understand the replaceability of the roles of Young-ran Yu, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim, who were found to be the major figures through an analysis of the central structure, structural equivalence was profiled. The results of the analysis showed that the positions and roles of Young-ran Yu, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim were unrivaled and irreplaceable in the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community. However, considering that these three members were in their 60s and 70s, it seemed that it would be necessary to prepare measures for the smooth maintenance and operation of the community. Fourth, to examine the subgroup hidden in the network of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community, an analysis of communities was conducted. A community refers to a subgroup clearly differentiated based on modularity. The results of the analysis identified the existence of four communities. Furthermore, the results of an analysis of the central structure showed that the communities were formed and centered around Young-ran Yu, Hyung-jo Kim, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim. Most of the transmission TAs recommended by those members, students who completed a course, transmission scholarship holders, and the general members taught in the transmission classes of the Jeongseon Arirang Preservation Society were included as members of the communities. Through these findings, it was discovered that it is possible to maintain the transmission genealogy, making an exchange with the general members by employing the present method for the transmission of Jeongseon Arirang, the joint transmission method. It is worth paying attention to the joint transmission method as it overcomes the demerits of the existing closed one-on-one apprentice method and provides members with an opportunity to learn their masters' various singing styles. This study is significant for the following reasons: First, by collecting and examining data using a social network analysis method, this study analyzed phenomena that had been difficult to investigate using existing statistical analyses. Second, by adopting a different approach to the previous method in which the genealogy was understood, looking at oral data, this study analyzed the structures of the transmitters' relationships with objective and quantitative data. Third, this study visualized and presented the abstract structures of the relationships among the transmitters of intangible cultural heritage information on a 2D spring map. The results of this study can be utilized as a baseline for the development of community-centered policies for the protection of intangible cultural heritage specified in the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. To achieve this, it would be necessary to supplement this study through case studies and follow-up studies on more aspects in the future.

Hwaunsi(和韻詩) on the Poems of Tu Fu(杜甫) and Su Shi(蘇軾) Written by Simjae(深齋) Cho Geung-seop(曺兢燮) in the Turning Point of Modern Era (근대 전환기 심재 조긍섭의 두(杜)·소시(蘇詩) 화운시)

  • Kim, Bo-kyeong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.56
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    • pp.35-73
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    • 2014
  • This paper examined the poem world of Simjae(深齋) Cho Geung-seop(曺兢燮: 1873-1933) in the turning point of the modern era, focused on his Hwaunsi (和韻詩: Poems written by using the rhymes of other poets' poems). In his poems, there are lots of Hwaunsi on the poems of Tu Fu(杜甫) and Su Shi(蘇軾), especially. This makes him regarded as a medieval poet, engaged in Chinese poem creation in the most traditional method in the turbulent period. Looking at the Hawunsi(和韻詩) alone, Simjae's creative life became the starting point of turnaround at around 40 years old. Before the age of 40, the poets in the Tang Dynasty and Song Dynasty and Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty and Korean figures like Lee Hwang(李滉), as well as Tu Fu and Su Shi were the subjects of his Hwanunsi. After the age of 40, some examples of writing poems using the rhymes of other poets' poems, especially Korean figures related to regions, are often found, reducing Hwaunsi on Tu Fu and Su Shi. Simjae called Tu Fu the integration of poets, talking about the integrity of poetic talent and his being highly proficient in mood and view. As reflecting such an awareness, the themes and moods and views are demonstrated diversely in Simjae's Hwaunsi. Although, he did not reveal his thinking about the poems of Su Shi, he seemed to love Su Shi's poems to some degree. The closeness to the original poems, the poems of Tu Fu are relatively higher than those of Su Shi. Roughly speaking, Simjae tried to find his own individuality, intending to follow Tu Fu, but, he seemed to attempt to reveal his intention using Su Shi's poems, rather than trying to imitate. To carefully examine, Simjae wrote Hwaunsi, but he did not just imitate, but revealed the aesthetics of comparison and difference. In many cases, he made new meanings by implanting his intentions in the poems, while sharing the opportunity of creation, rather than bringing the theme and mood and view as they are. The Hwaunsi on Su Shi's poems reveal the closeness to the original poems relatively less. This can be the trace of an effort to make his own theme and individuality, not being dominated by the Hwaun(和韻: using the rhymes of other poets' poems) entirely, as he used the creative method having many restrictions. However, it is noted that the Hwaunsi on Tu Fu's poems was not written much, after the age of 40. Is this the reason why he realized literary reality that he could not cope with anymore with only his effort within the Hwaunsi? For example, he wrote four poems by borrowing Su Shi's Okjungsi(獄中詩: poem written in jail) rhymes and also wrote Gujung Japje(拘中雜題), in 1919, while he was detained. In these poems, his complex contemplation and emotion, not restricted by any poet's rhymes, are revealed diversely. Simjae's Hwaunsi testifies the reality, in which Chinese poetry's habitus existed and the impressive existence mode at the turning point of the modern era. Although, the creation of Hwaunsi reflects his disposition of liking the old things, it is judged that his psychology, resisting modern characters' change, affected to some degree in the hidden side. In this regard, Simaje's Hwaunsi encounters limitation on its own, however, it has significance in that some hidden facts were revealed in the modern Chinese poetry history, which was captured with attention under the name of novelty, eccentricity and modernity.

The oldest Maehyang-bi (埋香碑) of Memorial Inscriptions existing on record; Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' Stone Monument (현존 최고(最古)의 매향비(埋香碑): 영암 정원명(貞元銘) 석비(石碑))

  • Sung, Yungil
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.1
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    • pp.70-99
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    • 2021
  • Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.

A Study on the Characteristics of Stream Flow Path and Water System Distribution in Gugok Garden, Korea (한국 구곡원림(九曲園林)의 하천 유로 및 수계별 분포 특성)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Choi, Young-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.39 no.4
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    • pp.50-65
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    • 2021
  • In this study, the water flow system by measuring the flow-way type and distance of flow path that composes the Gugok through literature survey, field survey, and map work on Gugok gardens in Korea whose existence has been confirmed, while investigating and analyzing watersheds, river orders, and river grades. It was intended to reveal the watershed distribution and stream morphological characteristics of the Gugok gardens and to use them as basic data for future enjoyment and conservation of the Gugok gardens. The conclusion of the study is as follows. First, Of the 93 Gugok gardens that have been confirmed to exist, it was found that 11 places(11.8%) were found to have a descending(top-down) type of Gugok that develops while descending along a stream. Second, As a result of analysis of the length of the flow path for each valley, Okryudonggugok(玉流洞九曲, Namsan-gugok) in Gimcheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do was found to have the shortest length of 0.44km among the surveyed valleys, while the flow distance of Muheulgugok(武屹九曲) located in Seongju-gun and Gimcheon-si, Gyeongsangbuk-do was 31.1km, showing the longest flowing distance. The average flow path length of the Gugok Garden in Korea was 6.24km, and the standard deviation was 4.63km, indicating that the deviation between the 'curved type'e and the 'valley type' was severe. In addition, 14(15.1%) Gugok gardens were found to be partially submerged due to dam construction. Third, As a result of analyzing the waters area where Gugok garden is located, the number of Nakdong river basins was much higher at 52 sites(55.9%), followed by the Hangang river basin at 27 sites(28.7%), the Geum river basin at 9 sites(9.7%), and the Yeongsan river and Seomjin river basins at 5(5.4%). Fourth, All Gugok gardens located in the Han river region were classified as the Han river system, and the Gugok garden located on the Nakdong river was classified as the main Nakdong river system, except for 7 places including 5 places in the Nakdong Gangnam Sea water system and 2 places in the Nakdong Gangdong sea water system. As a result of synthesizing the river order of the flow path where Gugok garden is located, Gugok, which uses the main stream as the base of Gugok, is 3 places in the Hangang water system, 5 places in the Nakdong river system, 2 places in the Geumgang water system, and 1 place in the Yeongsangam/Seomjin river system. A total of 11 locations(11.5%) were found, including 36 locations(38.2%) in the first branch, 29 locations(31.2%) in the second branch, and 16 locations(17.0%) in the third branch. And Gugok garden, located on the 4th tributary, was found to be Taehwa Five-gok(太華五曲) set in Yonghwacheon Stream in Cheorwon in the Han river system, and Hoenggyegok(橫溪九曲) in Yeongcheon Hoenggye Stream in the Nakdong river system. Fifth, As a result of the river grade analysis of the rivers located in the Gugok garden Forest, the grades of the rivers located in the Gugok garden were 13 national rivers(14.0%), 7 local first-class rivers(7.5%), and 74 local second-class rivers(78.5%) was shown.

The Origin of Radioactive Elements Found in Groundwater Within the Chiaksan Gneiss Complex: Focusing on the Relationship with Minerals of the Surrounding Geology (치악산 편마암 복합체에 분포하는 지하수 내 함유된 방사성 원소의 기원: 주변 지질을 구성하는 광물과의 연관성을 중심으로)

  • Kim, Hyeong-Gyu;Lee, Sang-Woo;Kim, Soon-Oh;Jeong, Do-Hwan;Kim, Moon-Su;Kim, Hyun-Koo;Jeong, Jong Ok
    • Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.153-168
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    • 2022
  • Petrological and mineralogical analyses were conducted to identify minerals containing radioactive elements (uranium) in the Chiaksan gneiss complex and to confirm their association with the surrounding groundwater. Fourteen minerals were identified through the microscopic and electron microscopy (SEMEDS) investigation. The principal minerals included plagioclase, biotite, quartz, alkali feldspar, chlorite, and calcite. Minor minerals were sphene, allanite, apatite, zircon, thorite, titanite, pyrite, and galena. A small amount of thorite was observed in the size of ~1 mm within macrocrystalline allanite. Allanite, which includes a large amount of rare earth elements, appeared in three distinctive patterns. The results of the EPMA analyses indicated that macrocrystalline allanite had higher elemental contents of TiO2~1.70 wt.%, Ce2O3~11.86 wt.%, FeO ~13.31 wt.%, MgO ~0.90 wt.% and ThO2 ~1.06 wt.% with the lowest average content of Al2O3 17.35 ± 2.15 wt.% (n = 7), CaO 12.13 ± 1.81 wt.% (n = 7). An allanite existing at the edge of the sphenes encompassing titanites had a higher element content of Al2O3 ~24.00 wt.%, Nd2O3 ~5.10 wt.%, Sm2O3~0.66 wt.%, Dy2O3~0.86 wt.% and Y2O3~1.38 wt.% with the lowest average content of TiO2 0.35 ± 0.21 wt.% (n = 11), Ce2O3 5.25 ± 1.03 wt.% (n = 11), FeO 9.84 ± 0.26 wt.% (n = 11), MgO 0.12 ± 0.05 wt.% (n = 11), and La2O3 1.49 ± 0.29 wt.% (n = 11). Allanites in a matrix of parental rocks exhibited intermediate values between the two elemental compositions mentioned above. None of the uranium-rich minerals were observed in the migmatitic gneiss within the study area. Consequently, the origin of uranium in the groundwater was not associated with the geology of the surrounding environment, but our investigation proved the existence of abundant allanites containing significant amounts of radioactive thorium and rare earth elements.

A Review of Current Status and Placeness on the Yusang-Goksu Ruins in Hwanggak-dong, Geumma, Iksan (익산 금마 황각동 유상곡수 유적 일대의 현황과 장소성에 대한 일고찰)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Han, Min-Soon;Seo, Youn-Mi;Park, Yool-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.3
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    • pp.20-35
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    • 2022
  • This study was conducted on the locational results of the 'Yusanggoksu(流觴曲水)' petroglyphs located in Hwanggak-dong(黃閣洞), Shinsong-ri, Geumma-myeon, Iksan-si through literature study, analysis of old maps and aerial photos, field observations, drone photography, elevation surveys, and interviews with residents. It was attempted for the purpose of illuminating and preserving the relics of the domestic Yusanggoksu garden by clarifying the spatiality of this place by tracing the spatiality and examining the possibility of enjoying the Yusanggoksu water system in this place. The conclusion of this study is as follows. The area around Hwanggak-dong, where the Yusanggoksu remains, has been selected as the most beautiful scenic spot in Iksan in various documents. The origin of 'Hwanggak' is considered to be closely related to the nickname of Uijeongbu(議政府). In other words, he paid attention to the relationship with Yanggok, So Se-yang(蘇世讓), who served as Chan-seong Jwa(左贊成). In particular, he paid attention to the relationship with his birthplace, Taeheojeong, a separate book, and Toehyudang, a retreat hall), tombs, and posthumous Confucian academies were distributed in the vicinity. Haseo-dae(荷鋤臺), a wide rock on which a hoe is hung on a rock after field work, seems to express a leisurely rural life and a simple and hermit life, based on the examples of Chinese and Korean poetry. The dark blood on the upper part of the Seobwi Rock with the inscription 'Yusanggoksu', which is the core of this site, is identified as a chailgong(遮日孔) to support the water system, and Ilgan-pavilion and Mojeong(茅亭) nearby are to support the yusanggoksu. It seems to have performed a spatial function for The inscription 'Hwanggak-dong' engraved on the front of Deungzanbawi is the gateway to Hwanggakdongcheon(黃閣洞天) and identified the idealized world existing in the village. Judging from the documentary records of the Iksan-gun 『Chongswaelog(叢瑣錄)』, the rock letters 'Hwanggak-dong' and 'Haseodae' were engraved on March 29, 1901, the 5th year of Gwangmu, the 5th year of the Korean Empire, by Iksan-gun Governor Oh Haeng-mook(吳宖默) and his acquaintance Seokseong Kim In-gil(金寅吉) Confirmed. Also, considering the tense of Lee Bong-gu's 「Hwanggakdongun(黃閣洞韻)」 and So Jin-deok, a descendant of Yanggok, 「Hwanggakdongsihoe(黃閣洞詩會)」, it is presumed that it was related to Goksuyeon(曲水宴) in Hwanggak-dong. It can be inferred that the current affairs meetings were held at least until the early days of Japanese colonial rule. Meanwhile, the maximum width of the current curved waterway was calculated as 11.3m and the transverse slope was 15.0%. If so, it is estimated that the width and extension distance of the curved waterway would have been much longer. Judging from the use of mochun(暮春), drinking and poetry, the tense 'Hwanggakdongsihoe' related to the Yusanggoksu relics in Hwanggak-dong, and the existence of a pavilion presumed to be Yusangjeong(流觴亭) called Ilgan-pavilion in the nearby Yusanggoksu site It is confirmed that it was a space where Yusanggoksuyeon(流觴曲水宴) spread at least until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Unfortunately, it remains a limitation of the study that it cannot be confirmed due to lack of data on the rock characters of 'Yusanggoksu' and those who enjoyed it before the end of the Joseon Dynasty. This is an area that needs to be elucidated through continuous efforts to find data on this issue in the future.

A Study on Practical Curriculum Development of the Education for Love based on the Understanding of Psychoanalytic 'Desire of Subject' (정신분석학적 '욕망의 주체' 이해에 기초한 사랑의 교육 교육과정 개발)

  • Kim, Sun Ah
    • Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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    • v.68
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    • pp.77-112
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    • 2021
  • This study is based on the research of the first year, which is the National Research Foundation of Korea's R&D subject for middle-grade researchers. In this study, the practical curriculum development of the education for love - an according to the psychoanalytic perspectives of F. Dolto(1908-1988) - is suggested as follows. The first is 'the reconstruction of the directions of curriculum and its specific aims in accordance with such directions.' The reconstruction of the directions of curriculum aims at leading our future generation to live as a subject of desire through the mutual-communication of love. The second is 'the reconstruction of the tasks of curriculum and its specific contents in accordance with such tasks.' The reconstruction of the tasks of curriculum pursuit to help our future generation through the converting the education for love into the paradigm of desire of Agape to live as a subject of desire forming a whole personality and practicing the desire of Agape in daily life. as a source of desire. According to these aims, the reconstruction of directions of curriculum are presented as following: firstly, 'curriculum for the mutual-communication between subjects of love' and secondly, 'curriculum for the subject of desire'. The reconstruction of tasks of curriculum are like these: firstly, 'converting the education for love into the paradigm of desire of Agape', and secondly, 'forming a whole personality through the education for love'. Thus, with respect to two specific aims in accordance with the reconstruction of directions are suggested like these: Firstly, 'constructing a subject as a speaking existence' and secondly, 'realizing the subject as the autonomous source of desire'. In the two specific contents in accordance with the reconstruction of tasks are presented as following: Firstly, 'realizing the truth of the desire of Agape'.' Secondly, 'practicing the desire of Agape in daily life.' The third is 'the reconstruction of curriculum by life cycle' are suggested. They include the fetal life, infants and preschool children life, and childhood life. In further study, it is required to contain adolescent period. It will be useful to help them to recover their self-esteem with the experience of true love, especially, out-of-school young generation overcome negative perspectives and prejudice in the society, and challenges to their dreams and future through proper utilization of the study outcome. The outcome of this study, which presented practical curriculum development of the education for love based on the understanding of psychoanalytic 'desire of subject' can be used as basic teaching materials for our future generations. Furthermore, the results can be used as a resource for educating ministers and lay leaders in the religious world to build capabilities to heal their inner side as well as the society that is tainted with various forms of conflict. These include general conflicts, anger, pleasure and addiction, depression and suicide, violence and murder, etc. The study outcome can contribute to the prevention of antisocial incidents against humanity that have recently been occurring in our free-semester system implemented in all middle schools across the country to be operated effectively. For example, it is possible to provide the study results as lecture and teaching materials for 'character camp' (self-examination and self-esteem improvement training) and 'family healing camp' (solution of a communication gap between family members and love communication training), which help students participate in field trip activities and career exploration activities voluntarily, independently, and creatively. Ultimately, it can visibly present the convergent research performance by providing the study outcome as preliminary data for the development of lecture videos and materials including infant care and preschool education, parental education, family consultation education, and holistic healing education. Support from the religious world, including the central government and local governments, are urgently required in order for such educational possibilities to be fulfilled both in the society and the fields of church education and to be actively linked to follow-up studies.

The View of Life and Death in Jeon-gyeong (『전경』에 나타난 대순사상의 생사관)

  • Cheng, Chihming
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.27
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    • pp.79-132
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    • 2016
  • The view of life and death in Daesoonjinrihoe includes all the gods of Heaven and Earth, and the human heart is taken as the foundational key. Practitioners can realize their value according to how much they have cultivated themselves. This is regarded as the mythical use of a singularly focused mind (full dedication of one's heart). In other words, it focuses on the potentiality of humans who are able to enter a transcendental area of divinity through their self-cultivation. This view of life and death in Daesoonjinrihoe was established by the religious mission known as "Samgye Gongsa (the Reordering of Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity)." Samgye Gongsa indicated a new opening of the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. This new opening is a return to the original principle of Heavenly operation and also a new order for the universe. Heaven and Earth have their own underlying principle by which they operate. This act was directly initiated and manifested from Dao. Daesoonjinrihoe diagnoses that the underlying principle by which Heaven operates was damaged by human misconduct, and as a result, the human observance of that principle fell out of common usage. Therefore, Daesoonjinrihoe gives priority to the reestablishment of Dao as it existed originally and tries to bring about reconciliation between Heaven and Earth and Humanity. In short, it resolves the grievances accrued since time immemorial by correcting the order of Sindo (Divine Law). Furthermore, it shows that the Dao of Sangsaeng (mutual beneficence) was created by reordering the arrangement of Heaven and Earth so that human beings and divine beings could reach a state of perfection through self-realization. Humans not only communicate with Heaven and Earth, but also communicate with divine beings. Divine beings are transcendent living beings capable of communicating with humans through their heart-minds. In Daesoon thought, human beings are not swayed by the power of divine beings, but instead are able to control divine beings through the transcendent power of their heart-minds. Given this view, the aim of Daesoonjinrihoe lies in participating in the harmony of Heaven and Earth through the cultivation of the human heart. Also, it sees that the human heart-mind can be united with the universal Dao, and thus it is able to be united with the deities of Heaven and Earth. In order to actualize this, one does not rely on exterior rituals or magic but has to focus instead on cultivating the moral ethics of the heart-mind to reach perfection. In other words, one can reach a transcendent level in one's heart-mind through the cultivation of a singularly focused mind and be free from the contradiction of life and death and other such torments. Life and death is an inevitable process for humans. So they do not have to be happy for life and sad for death. They can rather be free from the fear of death by fulfilling the energetic zenith of the human heart-mind via training themselves to transcend their physical bodies. No aging and no death is not a pursuit of radical longevity or immortality for the physical body, but rather a pursuit of the essence of life and the realization of eternity on a spiritual level. Daesoonjinrihoe pursues the state of being unified with Dao by developing "Jeong·Gi·Sin (精·氣·神 the internal energies of essence, pneuma, and spirit)" and trying to reach the transcendent state of non-aging and radical longevity by spurring the practice of self-realization and the discovery one's own innate nature. Through the practice of human ethics, they can access the creative functions of Heaven and Earth and become one with Heavenly Dao thereby achieving harmony between temporal existence and eternity. In this way, humans transcend the life and death of their physical bodies. When "Doins (trainees of Dao)" reach the true state of unification with Dao through singularly focused cultivation, they not only realize self perfection as human beings, but also enable themselves the means to do away with all disasters and forms of suffering. They thereby attain ultimate happiness in their lives.

6·25 Special Play Study (6·25 특집극 <최후의 증인> 연구)

  • Song, Chihyuk
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.42
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    • pp.47-75
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    • 2021
  • This thesis looks into the interpretation of the Korean War and mystery genre in Korea in the 1970s by analyzing the special drama , in which the theme was directly related to the Korean War, airing through MBC in 1979. It begins by finding the change in direction in the 1970s when the world of TV was dictated through the heavy censorship and the memory of the war by the government. It also looks at the intentions of the producer who was taking in the new way and the viewers who also accepted this drama and its reflections. In order to gain some insights into these issues, it compares between the drama "The Last Witness" and the original novel by Seong-jong Kim who holds the same time to see the way in which this is dramatized. The drama, "The Last Witness", was produced with a plan to generate a high-quality special drama which combined both artistry and sense of purpose. Nevertheless, as watching TV became a leisurely past-time during this period, TV dramas become more aggressive and suggestive in order to attract viewers. This ultimately was encored with obstacles due to the regime and the heavy censorship at the time. The genre of special drama that is well known in South Korea, is designed as an art form to satisfy both their unique artistry and its purpose. The conflict is seen between the key elements of the artistic drama crated by the producers and the 'encouraged' elements that often are needed to engage the viewers. Thus, more often than not, special dramas defeat the original intention of national harmony, encouraged by the regime. This is due to the 'novelty' aspect which grows from the effort of bringing enjoyment to viewers whilst also trying to achieve the artistic drama to life. Alongside this, crime element in this drama is designed in a way that visually embodies the process of deduction, becoming a new possibility to secure the reality of the times. However, it was also a paradoxical existence since it was indicated as an example of unrefined culture that lost its original intention. In that way, it is worth to think that detective suspense stories, which were not popular in Korea, influenced viewers as a tv drama series in the 1970s through the various elements that compose the genre. They went through a process of transplantation and acceptance whilst also attempting to satisfy the viewers and their encouraged elements to engage them. As is well known, crime drama in Korea has its own style by mixing anticommunism and detective reasoning. This combination is found in the way in which the genre naturally forms through the elements selected and excluded in the dramatization of "The Last Witness". The point is that the special drama "The Last Witness" can be seen as an intermediate form that shows the tendency of transformation from the detective reasoning form alongside the crime aspects as TV dramas began to include anticommunism messaging and investigation in the 1970s. In conclusion, when the detective reasoning is used as an element in a TV drama, it shows the trust of the public system and it constantly seeks the possibility of circumventing the political interpretation. The memories of the war is seen as a tool that neutralizes the dismal imaginations inscribed on the dark side of society and the system. As a result, "The Last Witness", broadcasted at the end of the Yushin regime in Korea, is a strange result which combines the logic of a special drama and the encouraged characteristics of television dramas. The viewers' desire which is the discussion about the hidden traces from the texts needs to be restored again.

A review on the transmission aspect of Sangjwa chum and Omjung chum in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori (양주별산대놀이 상좌·옴중춤의 전승양상 고찰)

  • Park, In-Soo;Kim, Ji-Hoon
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.41
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    • pp.285-320
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    • 2020
  • This study aims to examine the processes of changes of the two main roles, Sangjwa(the young Buddist monk) chum and Omjung(the monk with a boil on his face) chum, performed in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori, on the basis of Chumsawi (dance-movement). Above all, having studied many artistic remains performed by Jo jong sun, Jung han gyu, Park jun seup, Kim sung tae from 1929 to 1942, two main roles, in which Geodeureum chum is now an essential part in almost all performances, were then played only in Kkaekki chum to Taryong Jangdan without performances of Geodeureum chum. In case of Sangjwa chum, players had performed ad libitum and without restraint only on the basis of five sorts of Kkaekki chum's movements. In Omjung chum, witty remarks along with the drama had become more important factors than dances. Let alone two main roles, other parts then also showed no big changes in dance performance. Performers just tried to maintain its slender existence within stifling atmosphere because of oppressions and restraints during the Japanese imperialism. After the restoration of independence in 1945, Kim sung tae and his disciples made a great effort on the restoration of Talnori. During the Korean war, many players also endeavored to keep a good track of Talnori, teaching and training their young followers. Especially performers such as Park jun seup, Park sang hwan, Kim sung tae, and Lee jang sun put much more efforts on restoring Talnori. From that time, Geodeureum chum began to appear in two main roles' performances. In Sangjwa's performances, Byeogsa ritual dance, which was performed to Taryong Jangdan, changed into performances to Yeombul Jangdan, and Kkaekki chum -originally slow and ritual dance, became very fast and active one. Geodeureum chum, called Yongteulim, was added in Omjung chum, so that dance had more important role in performance. Even at this time, dance movements were not clearly and completely organized and arranged, because Geodeureum chum's performance was not clearly defined as orderly dance movements but was regarded as just a movement. After Geodeureum chum being designated as a cultural treasure, Lee byeong kwon took over the task from Park sang hwan, Sangjwa chum's performer, so Geodeureum chum became much more well organzied, arranged and orderly. Geodeureum chum played by Sangjwa had almost the same order of scenes and movements as Geodeureum chum played by Yeonnip. Based on this performance, the order of dances and movements was consistently arranged and settled. Following Park jun seup's performances, Jangsam was more widely applied and used in Omjung chum than ever before, so Omjung chum became much more organized and arranged. Well-arranged Omjung chum had also almost the same dances and movements as Nojang chum's. Yeonnip and Nojang's performances were not directly and intentionally studied and applied to two main roles in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori. Players seemed to borrow those parts naturally through many times of performances. Through their persistent efforts, Jangdan and dance movements have more clearly and completely been organized, establied, and improved through many years' performances. And dance movement can be performed exactly to Jangdan, so we have more complete and orderly types of dance movements. Thanks to many performers' efforts, Sangjwa chum has been established as one that only top performer can play, and Omjung chum has become an integral part in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori.