• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.192-211
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• 2021

In Seongju, Gyengsangbuk-do, the Placenta Chamber (胎室, Taesil) of 18 sons and a son of the crown prince of King Sejong(世宗大王) is located in one place. Taesil refers to the place where the umbilical cord and placenta, which are separated when the baby is born, are placed in a jar made of pottery and stone box and then buried on the ground. The placenta chamber in Seongju has the Buncheong ware (粉靑沙器) cover buried on the ground to protect the baby's placenta. These covers are all hemispherical, with a diameter of more the 20cm. The decorations were made using black and white inlaid techniques only on the outside. The Buncheong ware cover with this shape and pattern has been confirmed only in the placenta chamber in Seongju. This study targets 6 of the Buncheong ware cover whose owners were identified, when and where they were prepared, what the stylistic features and meanings are, and where it was produced. The results of the study are as follows. First, ss a result of reviewing the production background and procurement system of this bowl, it was inferred that it was sourced from Jangheunggo (長興庫) at the central government office, between 1436 and 1439, when the event to bury the placenta of royal members in the ground was the most active. Second, it analyzed the unique features of this cover, such as the shape, pattern, and baked traces. The shape and pattern were compared to the ritual objects contained in the Sejong Silok Oryeui (『世宗實錄』 「五禮」, Five Rites of King Sejong Chronicle) and the lid of the royal placenta jar made in the 15th and 16th centuries. Third, this study suggests that the baking method was based on the shape and location of the traces remaining outside the cover. Finally, the following data were used to estimate the production site: the relationship with the 'Jagiso (磁器所, ceramic workshop) registered in the Sejong Silok Jiriji (『世宗實錄』 「地理志」, Geographical Appendix of King Sejong Chronicle); various records of contribution and dedication about the Buncheong ware made here; and the Buncheong ware and related tools excavated from the kiln site in the area. The place where the Buncheong ware cover was produced is estimated to be the most likely production site for the kiln site in Chunghyo-dong Kiln Site, located in Jeolla-do province by synthesizing the data above.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.172-195
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• 2019

Among the paintings of Goam Lee Ungno (1904-1989), his works of the 1960s in Paris have been evaluated as his most avant-garde works of experimenting with and innovating objects as an artist. At that time, his works, such as Papier Colle and Abstract Letter, were influenced by abstract expressionism and Western Art Informel, illustrating his transformation from a traditional artist into a contemporary artist. An exhibition, which was held prior to his going to Paris in March 1958, has received attention because it exhibited the painting style of his early Informel art. Taking this into consideration, this study was conducted by interpreting his work from two perspectives; first, that his works of 1958 were influenced by abstract expressionism and Art Informel, and, second, that he expressed Xieyi (寫意) as literati painting, focusing on the fact that Lee Ungno first started his career adopting this style. In this paper, I aimed to confirm Lee Ungno's recognition of Art Informel and abstract painting, which can be called abstract expressionism. To achieve this, it was necessary to study Lee's painting theory at that time, so I first considered Hae-gang Kim Gyu-jin whom Lee Ungno began studying painting under, and his paintings during his time in Japan. It was confirmed that in order to escape from stereotypical paintings, deep contemplation of nature while painting was his first important principle. This principle, also known as Xieyi (寫意), lasted until the 1950s. In addition, it is highly probable that he understood the dictionary definition of abstract painting, i.e., the meaning of extracting shapes from nature according to the ideas which became important to him after studying in Japan, rather than the theory of abstract painting realized in Western paintings. Lee Ungno himself also stated that the shape of nature was the basis of abstract painting. In other words, abstractive painting and abstract painting are different concepts and based on this, it is necessary to analyze the paintings of Lee Ungno. Finally, I questioned the view that Lee Ungno's abstract paintings of the 1950s were painted as representative of the Xieyi (寫意) mind of literary art painting. Linking traditional literary art painting theory directly to Lee Ungno, who had been active in other worlds in space and time, may minimize Lee Ungno's individuality and make the distinction between traditional paintings and contemporary paintings obscure. Lee Ungno emphasized Xieyi (寫意) in his paintings; however, this might have been an emphasis signifying a great proposition. This is actually because his works produced in the 1950s, such as Self-Portrait (1956), featured painting styles with boldly distorted forms achieved by strong ink brushwork, a style which Lee Ungno defined as 'North Painting.' This is based on the view that it is necessary to distinguish between Xieyi (寫意) and 'the way of Xieyi (寫意) painting' as an important aspect of literary art painting. Therefore, his paintings need a new interpretation in consideration of the viewpoint that he represented abstract paintings according to his own Xieyi (寫意) way, rather than the view that his paintings were representations of Xieyi (寫意), or rather a succession of traditional paintings in the literary artist's style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.190-205
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• 2016

Buddhist stupas, which are a symbolic architecture of Buddhism and enshrine the Jinsinsari of Buddha, were reinvented as stone stupas appropriate for the natural soil of Korea from existing wooden stupas around the 7th century after the introduction of Buddhism. Later, the construction of a stone stupa was expanded to local areas from the central area around the 9th century; thus, stone stupas of more diverse local colors were built in a nationwide scale, and today it is called a "country of stone stupas". While focusing on the stylistic interchanges between stone stupas, which were established in each region in accordance with the localization of the establishment of stone stupas that was begun actively from the 9th century, this paper selected several cases of stone stupas among about 50 stone stupas in the Gangwondo-region. First, the study compared the stone stupas and Buddhist priest tower of Seollimwonji, Jinjeonsaji, and Geodonsaji, which are located at the same temple site as the current Buddhist priest tower, from among typical Silla style stupas that match the 9 stone stupas in the Gangwon-do region. This is because stylistic interchanges were possible while there were mutually organic relationships between Buddhist statues such as stone stupas, Buddhist priest towers, stone lanterns, and Buddhist pedestals, which used the same stone material along with the expansion of Buddhism to local areas in accordance with the spread of Zen Buddhism in the 9th century. Second, a comparison was made of the stylistic similarities between the Woljeongsa Palgakgucheong (eight sides nine-storied) stone stupa and the Sinboksaji Samcheung (three-storied) stone stupa, which are totally different in regard to the number of stories and the flat form. These two stone stupas are representative Goryeo stone stupas. The Woljeongsa stone stupa is a Goguryeo-oriented stone stupa with many sided multiple stories whereas the Sinboksaji stone stupa has been known as an early case of the insertion of the support of Tapsin in each story. Although the two stone stupas may look very different, but through close investigation it was confirmed that there were many stylistic interchanges between them and not only the seated stone Buddha statue in the cylinder jewel case in front of the stupa but also the stone stupa established by the same master. Consequently, this paper aimed not merely to mention the simple patterns of stone stupas, but, further, to trace the interchange in patterns in accordance with the construction period based on those patterns.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.154-201
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• 2016

During the Incipient and Early Silla phases, which witnessed the establishment and development of the ancient Silla state, the Wolseong North Burial Ground functioned as not only the central burial ground in the Gyeongju region of the capital of Silla but also as the central burial ground of the whole Silla state. Wolseong North Burial Ground is where transformations in Silla funerary architecture first occurred. As such, an empirical study of the tombs constructed at this burial ground can be regarded as a starting point from which an understanding of the development of the tomb culture of the Silla state may be achieved. This paper therefore aims to examine the changing nature of the tomb culture of the Early Silla phase through the burial data of Wolseong North Burial Ground and the Gyeongju region. Wooden chamber tombs were constructed from the late phase of Saroguk. At Wolseong North Burial Ground, which eventually developed into the central burial ground of the Gyeongju region, wooden chamber tombs embellished with stone packing emerged during the Incipient Silla phase; wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, on the other hand, first appeared in the Early Silla phase and eventually became established as the central tomb type. A key difference between the wooden chamber tomb embellished with stone packing and the wooden chamber tomb with stone mound is that, in the case of the latter, stones were packed not only around sides of the wooden structure that acted as the burial chamber but also on top of this structure. The addition of a high earthen mound surrounded by protective ring of stones is another distinctive feature of the latter, presenting a contrast to the low mound of the former. During the Early Silla phase, two types of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds were constructed at Wolseong North Burial Ground: those with burial chambers located above ground and those with subterranean burial chambers. Also constructed during this phase were the wooden chamber tomb embellished with packed stones, the wooden chamber tomb embellished with packed clay, simple earth cut burials, which had been used since the Incipient Silla phase, as well as the stone-lined burials with vertical entrance which first appeared in the Early Silla phase. However, of these different types of burials, it was only the wooden chamber tomb with stone mound that was covered with a 'high mound.' Differentiation between the different tomb types can also be observed in terms of location, type of burial chamber used, construction method, and tomb size. It is therefore possible to surmise that stratification between the different tomb types, which first emerged in the Incipient Silla phase, became intensified during the Early Silla phase.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.224-239
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• 2016

This article aims to review the major problems of the present Korean management system of archaeology and to seek desirable suggestions in order to pursue the sustainable harmony between the recovery of academic excavations and economic development. In order to continue the sustainable harmony between preserving the values of archaeological resources as limited pure public goods and economic development, the present system of developer's payment for archaeology must be replaced by the introduction of the development fee for archaeology. The excavation of archaeological resources have been done according to the market principle, that is, the lower price principle. But the principle has produced a lot of serious problems in the Korean management system of archaeology, which must result in the market failure. So the governmental intervention is urgently required. By introducing the development fee, the archaeological field units and the developers can avoid direct contact. Instead, the Heritage Management Office will operate the excavation fund raised by the development fee for archaeology in order to avoid low-price contracts, degrading excavation quality, and other related residents' complaints and social conflicts in advance. In addition, the budget for purchasing the preserved excavation sites, which are the source of the landowners' enormous complaints, must be allocated to the Heritage Management Office by the Ministry of Planning and Finance. More budget for small-sized excavations must be allocated as well in order to solve many residents' complaints. These budget increase will be the fundamentals to decrease the residents' big complaints and social conflicts in relation with the archaeological management, which will be a challenge of the Korean government. Along with the governmental efforts, the archaeological field units must do their all-out efforts to overcome many problems in excavation including low-price contracts. Finally, the wage system and working status system must be revised. Excellent young excavators must be recruited appropriately and continue to work in a safe psychological condition, which are the basis to guarantee high-quality excavation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.260-279
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• 2010

The analysis on bibliography and field investigation of Callipogon relictus Semenov, 1898 (Korean natural monument number 218) shows that the size varies from country to country, and Korean specimens, for which male is 85~120mm and female is 65~85mm, are found to be the largest. The average diameter and length of egg are 2.60mm and 6.72mm respectively. The larva has milky color and is about 100~150mm in length. The pupa is nearly 70~110mm. An adult generally appears from June to September in Korea in the broadleaf forest of lowland, whereas it appears from June to July in China. It is known that the pupa largely feed on the old tree trunk of Carpinus laxiflora (Siebold & Zucc.) blume in Korea, but no such data have been reported in China and Russia, showing differences in host plants. While the larva period is not exactly known in Korea, it is reported to be two years in China. It appears that the species inhabits in very limited regions of approximately between geographical latitude $37.5^{\circ}{\sim}47.8^{\circ}$ and longitude $126^{\circ}{\sim}140^{\circ}$ including Korea, China and Russia. To conserve the long-horned beetle in Korea, this research drew out following some conclusions through analyzing the references and field survey data. First, it need to perform precise survey on the natural environment of occurring and collected area or place including host plant kinds, temperate, humidity, latitude, longitude etc. Second, habitat region must be designated as a restricted development area, and it need to exclude or reduce the damage factors to prosper reproduction of the species. Third, it is necessary to keep loosing cautiously artificial breeding individuals in the reported sites, not disturbing scope of natural populations. Fourth, it needs to educate or publicize many people importance and value of this species through many methods.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.72-87
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• 2009

This research is insect diversity analysis on the basis of survey results and bibliographies of Hongdo Island, Mts. Seoraksan, Hallasan, Daeamsan & Daeusan, Hyangnobong peak & Geonbongsan nature reserves and Dokdo Protected Natural Area among 10 designated nature reserves. The Mt. Hallasan nature reserve has 1,867 species in 22 orders and shows the highest species diversity. The species diversities of Mt. Seoraksan, Mt. Hyangnobong peak & Geonbongsan, Hongdo Island, Mt. Daeamsan & Daeusan, and Dokdo Protected Natural Area reveal 1,604 species in 19 orders, 704 species in 18 orders, 474 species in 19 orders, 468 species in 16 orders, and 114 species in 11 orders, respectively, in descending order. The order Lepidoptera shows as dominant taxa in Hongdo, Seoraksan, Hallasan, Hyangnobong peak & Geonbongsan, whereas the order Coleoptera as subdominant taxa in these areas. On the other hand, in Mt. Daeamsan & Daeusan, and Dokdo Protected Natural Area, the order Coleoptera appears as dominant taxa whereas the order Lepidoptera as subdominant taxa. The order Ephemeroptera has been shown the highest species diversity in Seoraksan which is reported to 25 species, Odonata in Hallasan to 28, Dermaptera in Seoraksan to 9, Orthoptera in Hallasan to 51, Hemiptera in Hallasan to 175, Homoptera in Seoraksan to 126, Hymenoptera in Hallasan to 183, and Diptera in Hallasan to 206. The species diversity is generally poor in Daeamsan & Daeusan, Hyangnobong peak & Geonbongsan, and Dokdo Protected Natural Area. Maybe this result is caused by the lack of various academic surveys compared to the other areas. It is needed to study systematic academic investigation on insect in the nature reserve areas in Korea, and to plan appropriate management and conservation on natural environment considering biodiversity of each nature reserve area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.70-95
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• 2013

The Tejaprabha Buddha painting, located in the Korai Museum in Kyoto, Japan, was made in 1569 when Joseon Dynasty was in his $14^{th}$ year under SeonJo's ruling, and is only one of Tejaprabha Buddha paintings from the early Chosun dynasty. With its well preserved state, the painting allows clear indications of all icons and list of names that were written, and the record region also has minimal deterioration. This Buddhist painting is a GumSeonMyoHwa which is drawn with gold lining on red hemp cloth and has a relatively small dimension of $84.8{\times}66.1cm$. With the Tejaprabha Buddha in the center, the painting has two unidentified Bodhisattvas, Navagrabha, Rahu, Keto, YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of the eastern philosophy), SipYiGoong (12 zodiacs of the western philosophy), SamDaeYookSung, and BookDooChilSung (the Big Dipper), all of which provide resourceful materials for constellation worshipin the Joseon era. This painting has a crucial representation of the overall Tejaprabha Buddhism - a type of constellation worships - from the early Joseon dynasty. Even though the composition does seem to be affiliated with the paintings from the Koryo dynasty, there are meaningful transformations that reflect changes in content into constellation worship in Joseon dynasty. As a part of the Tejaprabha Buddha, SipIlYo has become a center of the painting, but with reduced guidance and off-centered 'Weolpe (star)', the painting deteriorates the concept of SipIlYo's composition. Furthermore, addition of Taoistic constellation beliefs, such as JaMiSung (The purple Tenuity Emperor of the North Pole), OkHwangDaeChae, and CheonHwangJae, eliminates the clear distinction between Taoistic and Buddhist constellation worships. Unlike the Chinese Tejaprabha Buddha painting, the concept of YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of eastern philosophy) in this painting clearly reflects Korean CheonMoonDo's approach to constellation which can be applied to its uniqueness of the constellation worships. The fact that the Big Dipper and ChilWonSungKoon (Buddha of the Root Destiny Stars of the Northern and central Dipper) are simultaneously drawn can also be interpreted as the increase in importance of the constellation worship at the time as well.