• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.172-193
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• 2013

This study examines the production techniques and raw materials shown in the Korean dried-lacquer statues of Buddha through a careful observation of the Seated Dried-lacquer Bodhisattva Statue from the late Goryeo Dynasty which is currently possessed by Okura Museum of Art in Tokyo. As a method of study, the X-ray data and the results from a field survey were combined to analyze the production techniques and the characteristics of raw materials. Based on this analysis, a hypothesis was established on the production process and verified through a reenactment of the actual production process. Then, the characteristics of the techniques applied to each process and the raw materials were recorded in detail. Specifically, the dried lacquer techniques and the raw materials were estimated based on the results of naked-eye observation in comparison with the literature, especially the records of "Xiu Shi Lu" written by Huang Cheng of the Ming Dynasty which is considered as 'the textbook of lacquer techniques.' The raw materials used in the production of the traditional Korean lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl were also referenced. As a result, it was found that the features of production techniques and the raw materials found in the Statue at Okura Museum of Art have many similarities with those of the Seated Dried-lacquer Statue of Lohan (Arhat) from Yuanfu 2 Nian Ming (1098) of the Song Dynasty which is currently at the Honolulu Museum of Art. In particular, the similarities include that the interior of the statue being vacant because the clay and the wood core were not replaced after being removed from the prototype, that the complete form was made in the clay forming stage to apply the lacquer with baste fiber fabric, that the clay and the wood core were removed through the bottom of the statue, and that the modeling stage was omitted and the final coat over the statue is very thin. Additionally, decorating with ornaments like Bobal and Youngrak made of plastic material was a technique widely popular in the Song Dynasty, suggesting that the Seated Dried-lacquer Bodhisattva Statue in Okura Museum of Art was greatly affected by the production techniques of the Dried-lacquer Buddha Statue from the Song Dynasty. There is no precise record on the origin and history of the Korean Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues and the number of existing works is also very limited. Even the records in "Xuanhe Fengshi Gaoli Tujing" that tells us about the origin of the Dried-lacquer Buddha Statue from the Yuan Feng Period (1078~1085) do not indicate the time of transmission. It is also difficult to trace the clear route of transmission of production techniques through existing Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues. Fortunately, this study could at least reveal that the existing Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues of Korea, including the one at Okura Museum of Art, have applied the production techniques rather differently from those used in the production of Japanese Datsukatsu Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues that have been known as the standard rule in making dried-lacquer statues of Buddha for a long time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.86-111
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• 2011

Wan is a tableware in which boiled rice or soup, side dish are put, and it is a representative model which shows the development of personal tableware. From the establishing period of Hanseong Baekje, the form of wan which is Jung-do Style(中島式) Plain Pottery of previous period Proto-Three Kingdoms Period was succeeded to, but wan is produced and used as a wan baked in the kiln, which is far development of the producing technique including hardness and clay. By and large, the size of $0.3{\sim}0.4{\ell}$ was the majority and the production technique of wan which used carefully selected soft quality clay are largely confirmed to be two methods which are, first, basic method by which on a clay tablet on the rotating table, clay band is accumulated and moulding is finished, and second, the new method which had the same basic moulding as that of basic method but in the last stage takes wan off the rotating table and reverse it to trim the bottom and remove the angle of flat bottom. The former, basic production method is the classical production method since wan of Jung-do Style Plain Pottery and wan was produced and used for all periods of Hanseong Baekje. On the other hand, the latter is the production method obtained through form imitation of China made porcelain flowed into through interchange between Baekje and China, and through comparison with Chinese chronogram material it is estimated to have been produced and used after middle of 4th century. Therefore it can be known that the Baekje people's demand for China made articles was big and imitation pottery was produced and used with Baekje pottery. In addition, bowl with outward mouth are confirmed in multiple number in Lakrang(樂浪) pottery wan and it is assumed that wan was the form produced under the influence.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.61-78
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• 2008

Celadons painted in underglaze iron brown 'Sung(成)' inscription are characteristic celadons excavated only at the No. 7 kiln site located at Sadang-ri(沙堂里), Daegu-myeon(大口面), Gangjin-gun(康津郡), Jeollanamdo(全羅南道), Korea and has inscription in the inner center of the foot by brush. The inscription was marked where it is not easily seen. it can be assumed that since it showed a variety of hand writings, many people were involved in manufacturing these celadons and the 'Sung' inscription was marked after workshop rather than manufacturer. It was also found that quality of glaze, paste, shape, pattern and firing method were same and these were manufactured with the same techniques in the same period. Kinds of these celadons were mainly sets of tablewares including bowl with handle, bowl, plate, cup, bowl with cover and bottle. Raised relief designs using extrusion technic were especially preferred rather than incised designs and inlaid designs. Cases of using inlaid designs were not frequently found compared to incised designs, thus it can be assumed that in this period, inlaid designs were not generally used. Special designs having the meaning of authority or dignity such as chrysanthemum, peony, parrot and lotus plate designs were not found. Foot was molded with 'U' type except some bowls with cover and plates and firing was done after glazing the whole surface of the ceramic with the support of quartzite at 3 to 4 places of inner bottom of foot. Production period of these celadons with 'Sung' inscription can not be confirmed from other excavation sites outside of No. 7 kiln site at Sadang-ri since there are no other excavation sites whose relics bear 'Sung' inscription. Through comparison research with other relics bear the characteristics of these celadons from tombs, temple sites, shipwrecks, production period of these celadons with 'Sung' inscription can be assumed as second quarter of 13th century. And since the quality of these celadons are generally inferior to the top-quality celadons which were supplied to royal familes and high-ranking aristocrats, it can be deducted that these celadons with 'Sung' inscription were supplied to classes lower than royal familes and high-ranking aristocrats. So it is considered that Celadons with 'Sung' inscription have a great significance as a chronological material to complement the blank of the first half of the 13th century because most of celadons with raised relief designs and engraved relief designs were attributed to 12th century, the period of prosperity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.24-55
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• 2010

Jangmyeongdeung Lantern (貞陵長明燈) refers to the stone lantern placed in front of the royal tomb. It serves both symbolic and decorative purposes; symbolic because it is supposed to guard and illuminate the buried, and decorative because it is a work of sculpture that adorns the entire graveyard. The Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung was the earliest stone lantern to be produced during the Joseon period. Its square shape is unique among those from the early to mid-Joseon period. The three major parts of Jangmyeongdeung - the stand, the lantern, and the roof-shaped cover parts - are square in shape, differing from the octagonal shaped Jangmyeongdeung. The stand consists of three single stone blocks, the Hadaeseok(下臺石), Ganjuseok(竿柱石), and Sangdaeseok(上臺石). The Hwasaseok(火舍石), or the lantern part, is also a single stone block. Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung succeeds the style of those of Hyeon-neung and Jeongneung(玄正陵) of the Goryeo period and is of a better artistic quality. As the first Jangmyeongdeung lantern, it is a refined work of art that marks the foundation of the Joseon Kingdom. This paper tries to ascertain the stylistic origin of the square-shaped Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung and compare it with those of Buddhist temples. Consequently, similarities were found among the stone lanterns of Zen priests 'Jigong'(指空) and 'Nawong'(懶翁) in the Hweamsa Temple(檜巖寺) site from the late Goryeo period, those of Zen priest 'Muhak'(無學) of the Hweamsa Temple site, and those of national priest 'Bogak'(普覺) of Cheongnyongsa Temple(靑龍寺) from the early Joseon period. Primarily, this is because the three components(the stand, the lantern part, and the roof-shaped cover) are essentially square-shaped. Second, as the Ganjuseok(one of the components of the stand) became shorter, the stand took a more stable form. Third, the Hwasaseok(the lantern part) consists of two stone blocks joined together. Fourth, the roof-shaped cover is also in square in shape. Similarly, the Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung contains Buddhist elements as well. The three-bead pattern that decorates the Ganjuseok stand is an example. The three-bead pattern is one of the symbolic elements related to Tantric Buddhism. It is found on the diadems worn by Bodhisattvas from the Goryeo and early Joseon periods. The Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung in early Joseon directly influenced the production of the square-shaped stone lanterns used to decorate the tombs during the Joseon period. After the latter half of the 15th century, however, the octagonal-shaped Jangmyeongdeung style began to prevail. The Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung reflects the succession of the tradition of royal tombs from Goryeo to Joseon, the introduction of square-shaped stone lanterns to Buddhist temples, and the influence of the Buddhist philosophy of the time. It is a living testimony to various elements of each time and corresponding cultural trends.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.4-37
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• 2019

Buncheong Ware, which was produced for approximately 200 years from the end of the Goryeo Dynasty to the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty, was used for royal house and state affairs during the early Joseon Dynasty. Records of Buncheong Ware can be found with Jagiso and Dogiso, considered the place of production, in the 'Sejongsylrok jiliji'. This is notable, unlike celadon and white porcelain. However, compared to Gyeongsangnam-do and Gyeongsangbuk-do, the study of Jagiso and Dogiso in Jeollanam-do and Jeollabuk-do has been unsatisfactory. In this paper, we examined the locations of Jagiso and Dogiso in the Jeollanam-do prefecture. This study is focused on Najumok, located in the western part of Jeollanam-do. The following research results were obtained: First, the locations of Jagiso and Dogiso in nine areas were examined. These nine areas comprised Najumok and its immediate provinces of Haejingun, Yeongamgun, Yeonggwanggun, Hampyeonghyeon, Muanhyeon, Gochanghyeon, Heungdeokhyeon and Jangseonghyeon. Previous research results exist for some of the regions; however, only Buncheong Ware was used to estimate Jagiso and Dogiso. In this paper, we tried to discover a more accurate position of Jagiso and Dogiso through a comparison of the place names recorded in the 'Sejongsylrok jiliji' and the place names recorded in the 'Hoguchoungsu'. Also, pottery-related area names and Buncheong Ware obtained from the field survey were reviewed. Table 2 shows the specific positions of Jagiso and Dogiso in the areas examined. Second, it would appear that pottery was produced not only in Jagiso but also in Dogiso. This is because much of Buncheong Ware was unearthed in Najumok, Yeongamgun, and Muanhyeon Dogiso. However, it was only excavated from the Buncheong Kiln Site in Yucheon Village, Sangweol-ri, Yeongam-gun; there could be limitations regarding to the rest of the areas because only a field survey was conducted, not an excavation. A recent excavation at Donggok Village in Cheongdo-ri, Gimje also confirmed a Buncheong Kiln Site. There were two Buncheong Ware ('公', '上') artifacts excavated from the site, believed to be Gongnapjagi. In addition, Cheongdo-ri, where the Buncheong Kiln Site is located, was found to be an area in Wurimgokmyeon, a former Wurimgok at a Dogiso in Jeonjubu. Consequently, it would seem that Dogiso also produced porcelain (Buncheong Ware). If more data can be obtained from the excavations at sites considered to be Dogiso, the results of Dogiso-related research will be strengthened. Third, in previous surveys, field surveys and excavation surveys were based on estimates using artifacts, but the name of the location of the Jagiso and Dogiso may be confirmed more accurately by tracking the changes in the names of the administrative areas. Therefore, although it is important to conduct research using the results of surveys or excavations, changes in the place names or places related to porcelain must not be overlooked.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.40
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• pp.357-386
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• 2007

At present, thirteen Buddhist bells of Unified Silla are known to the world: Six in Korea, five in Japan and two other bells, and three out of them are impossible to make out its original form. Therefore, we divided the form of Unified Silla Buddhist bells based on the ten other bells, and we tried out to prove the manufacturing technology by the comparison of the research material of Uncheon-dong bell and existing research materials of other bells, in other to find their linkage based on the alloy elemental composition. We divided Unified Silla Buddhist bell into two types: Type I has symmetric apsaras and regular patterns on its face and it was made in early Silla period; type II has asymmetric apsaras and irregular pattern arrangement and made in late Silla period. In particular, Uncheon-dong Buddhist bells is very similar to Komyoji[光明寺] temple bell from ninth century in Japan. It is peculiar that the apsaras on Uncheon-dong bell play vertical music instruments that are never seen in Unified Silla Buddhist bell. Most of Unified Silla Buddhist bell are compounded with Cu-Sn or Cu-Sn-Pb system. From eighth and ninth century, bells were cast with even composition of copper, tin and lead, and the bronze alloy ratio was similar to the record in Gogonggi[考工記], Jurye[周禮], a book from ancient China. Particularly, Uncheon-dong bell is in a rare case of Cu-Sn-Pb-As system. As had been rarely used in Unified Silla Buddhist bells, so we presented the relative research materials. As has the same nature as Pb. Because As easily volatilize at high temperature, it is hard to use. But it has its merit of solidity and durability. Pb enhances fluidity and thereby expresses the patterns more distinct; As makes the bell stronger. The result of lead isotope ratio could not exactly reveal a concrete producing center. However, over the analysis of our samples, hereby we suggest Uncheon-dong bell was made of materials from just one ore deposit.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.305-327
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• 2005

Although the stone pagoda in Mireuk Temple site, Iksan, Cholla Province has been collapsed long time ago, few historical record has clearly explained the reason why the pagoda was collapsed and when. The west side of the pagoda have been destroyed from top to the sixth floor and the broken or damaged stone materials have been piled up in disorder. the lower part in the west was reinforced and enclosed by a stone embankment levelled to the height of the first storey of the pagoda. With no record informing the historical fact when it was made and by whom, it is only presumed that the embankment may have been built long time ago in order to prevent remains from further destruction. In the second chapter of the study, it has been tried to restore a reasonable historical background of the pagoda based on records or comments found in literatures such as traditional poetry and essays in chronological order. The collapsed slope in the west side, just above the embankment surrounding the lower part of the pagoda, was concreted in 1915 during the Japanese colonial period. Then in 1998, the Jeollabukdo has examined the structural safety of the pagoda. The Cultural Properties Committee has decided have the concrete layer removed and moreover to take apart the whole pagoda. It is also included that the disassembled stone materials should be given proper conservation treatments before being put into the place where they were in the reassembling process. The front view of the collapsed phase of the pagoda was revealed when the concrete-covered layer was removed. A hypothesis was built that there may be as many different appearances of collapsed pagoda depending on natural causes such as earthquake, sunken foundation, flood and typhoon. In chapter three, characteristic features were classified by examining various images of pagodas destroyed by different natural reasons mentioned in historical records. The chapter four dealt with comparison and analysis on the conditions shown in the stone pagoda in Mireuk Temple site and other examples studied in advance. The result of the study revealed that though having been made higher than the ground surface, the podium or the base of the pagoda actually has been eroded by rain and water. The erosion is supposed not only to have been proceeded for a long time without break but also to have caused the first storey body stone in the west inclined to outward. It has come to a conclusion that the pagoda may have been lead to collapse when the first storey body stone, supporting the whole weight from the upper storeys, became out of upright position and lost its balance. However, no such distinctive features of structural changes shown in pagodas collapsed by natural causes like earthquake, typhoon or sunken basement, have been found in the stone pagoda in Mireuk Temple site.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.6-22
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• 2022

In this paper classifies the types of 228 anchor stones discharged from the west and south coasts, assumes a combined method by type, routes through discharge locations, and It attempted to estimate the burial site. Prior to classification of types, the weight, thickness, width, and length of the anchor stone were measured, and the largest Young in the tomb The scent weight was classified into I~V groups, and the shape of the anchor stone was classified into 1-6 types. All of these weight and shape correlations It was classified into 17 types. The combined method by type is 180kg or less depending on the morphological characteristics of the reference value of the extracted anchor stone, and the type An anchor of type 1 or 2 is used in combination with an anchor, and a anchor of type 3 or 6 weighs more than 180kg and is combined with an anchor The dragon was assumed to be an anchor. Along with this, the route and burial site are identified through past records and testimony of local residents It was checked against the data. The route was largely consistent with past records, but the new route was apparent in waters near the island or inland It was also drawn. In the case of burial sites, small and large in Taean Mado Sea and Jindo Byeokpajin Sea, where anchor stones are concentrated, Considering the pattern of the type anchor stones being discharged, it was consistent with the testimony that ships of various sizes were mysterious in the two seas. Based on this type classification, a study on the spatiality of the anchors was conducted. First, a comparison and analysis was done on whether actual real data, such as anchor stones, old ships, and relics, were identified on the Joun-ro route and international trade routes as recorded in the past literature. Where there was no record, the route was estimated based on real data. To this end, routes estimated based on the testimony of local residents and modern ship workers were analyzed as to whether ships traveled there in the past and whether they could actually sail. Next, the location of each seedling was estimated by ship size according to the weight of the anchor stone. In the case of the Taean Mado Sea and Jindo Byeokpajin Sea, both small and large anchor stones were discharged from the coastline and were far away.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.62-85
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• 2009

The Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the South Sea shrine in Yeong-Am, Korea was a national institution for public peace and bliss, was excavated in 2000, and the shrine and the 3-way-gate were reconstructed in 2001. Hae Sin-sa, the Sea shrine is a place for religious service separated into the Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the Dong-Hae Myo, and the Seo-Hae Dan. The Dong-Hae Myo was reconstructed, but restored shrine and 3-way-gate of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa is not perfect in comparison with excavation plan in 2000, therefore new reconstruction was researched through the related literature, the analysis of historical maps and excavation results, the interview with the concerned people and the case study. This research defines the analysis of the Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction as follows. 1. The Nam-Hae Sin-sa was the institution for religious service operated by national direct management, represents the shrine for public peace and bliss on the Mountain, the Sea, and the River. Especially the Nam-Hae Sin-sa had an important position on the pivot of international trade with China and Japan, and had a role of main shrine with another one in the Mt. Ji-ri San. 2. The name of the Sea shrine was called as Nam-Hae Sin-sa(the South Sea shrine), Dong-Hae Myo(the East Sea shrine), Seo-Hae Dan(the West Sea shrine). But the name of the South Sea shrine had changed in the early period of Chosun as Nam-Hae Sin-sa to the later Chosun as Nam-Hae Dang through the research of related literature and historical map. Such as the Seo-Hae Dan, it was constructed for the Dan, the flat raised-floor without buildings, and changed to the type of Sa-Dang with addition of buildings. 3. The historical map of Hae Sin-sa informs the types of the roof, the Mat-bae roof was used in the Dong-Hae Myo, but the Pal-jak roof was showed in the Seo-Hae Dan and the Nam-Hae Sin-sa. 4. According to the analysis of Yong-Ch'uck the unit length, Nam-Hae Sin-sa was reconstructed in the period of Koryo on large scale, but it was restored in the Chosun on middle scale. And the Unit of Yong Ch'uck was changed into Yeong-jo Ch'uck in the period of Chosun. 5. As the results, The Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction designed the new shrine into the 3 Kan front and the 2 Kan side with 3:2 scale. An-ch'o-gong with Yong-du and Yong Mi the ornaments represents head and tail of dragon, the Un-gong and the ornament of Pa-ryun-dae-gong in the building, and the Ch'ung-ryang of the Yong-du show the image of the institution for religious service for the god of the sea who look like dragon. The inner gate building and the main entrance were designed as same plan and scale as Hyang-gyo, the Korean Traditional School and Shrine of Confucianism, on the basis of results of excavation. Raise the 3-tall gate of the main entrance with harmony of the scale and the shape, because the side of gate building has the Mat-bae roof. 6. This research shows that Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction is composed into shrine space and reservation space from the main entrance to inner gate and shrine like Jung-ak Dan in the Mt. Gye-ryong San, and it also informs the well in the west side of Sin-sa is an important factor of the plan of shrine architecture.

• Women's Health Nursing
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.471-481
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• 2002

The purpose of this study was to investigate knowledge and attitude about oral contraceptive between Korean and Japanese university students in order to provide better sex education programs and direcrion. Korean subjects of this study were 337 university students in M city, during the period from April 1 to April 20, 2001 and Japanese subjects 245, during the period from June to August, 2001. Collected data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, t-test, Pearson correlation coefficients with SPSS package. The results from this study were summarized as follows : 1. The mean age of Koreans and Japanese students was $21.0{\pm}3.2$ and $19.6{\pm}3.2$ years old. The number of Japaneses youths having the parter with sexual intercourse was larger than that of Korean university students. 2. Comparison of knowledge and attitude about oral contraceptives between Korean and Japanese university students ; 1) Comparison of sexual differences : Oral contraceptives related knowledge of Korean university students marked $55.7{\pm}7.5$ of male students and $56.7{\pm}6.2$ of females with a range of 15 to 75. The level of female students' knowledge was higher than that of male's but there is not statistically a significant difference (p=.080). Oral contraceptives related attitude of Korean university students marked $81.1{\pm}12.2$ of male students and $76.9{\pm}10.3$ of female's with a range of 24 to 120. The level of male students' attitude was higher than that of female's and there is statistically a significant difference(p= 002). Oral contraceptives related knowledge of Japanese university students marked $55.3{\pm}6.7$ of male students and $57.0{\pm}6.3$ of female students. The level of female students' knowledge was higher than that of male's but there is not statistically a significant difference (p=.159). Oral contraceptives related attitude of Japanese university students marked $80.3{\pm}10.1$ of male students and $80.4{\pm}9.9$ of female students. The level of female students' attitude was higher than that of male's and there is not statistically a significant difference(p= .928). 2) Comparison between the country : Oral conceptives related knowledge of Korean university students marked $56.2{\pm}6.8$ and $56.7{\pm}6.4$ of Japanese university students with a range of 15 to 75. The level of Japanese university students' knowledge was higher than that of Korean's but there is not statistically a significant difference(p= .361). Oral conceptives related attitude of Korean university students marked $78.9{\pm}11.4$ and $80.4{\pm}9.9$ of Japaneses with a range of 24 to 120. The level of Japanese university studentss' attitude was higher than that of Korean's and there is not statistically a significant difference(p=.100). 2. Wanted age of oral contraceptives taking medicine and age was correlated positively (r=.178, p=.004) and total knowledge score of oral contraceptives and total attitude score were correlated positively(r=.467 p= .000) in Korean university students. Wanted age of oral contraceptives taking medicine and age was correlated positively (r=.289, p=.004), age and total attitude score were correlated positively(r=.196 p=.002) and total knowledge score of oral contraceptives and total attitude score were correlated positively (r=.671 p=.000) in Japanese university students. 3. Korean university students lifted side effect by the greatest factors in investigation about leading person that disturb work oral contraceptive, and the following appeared by knowledge insufficiency, sexual feeling inflammation worry, social prejudice, sexual morality decline, supernumerary prescription being not right, other person reverse and economical burden. Japanese university students can know that it is appearing by side effect, supernumerary prescription being not right, knowledge insufficiency, sexual feeling inflammation worry, economical burden, social prejudice, sexual morality decline and other person reverse. Think that this is result by dissimilar health medical system and cultural difference between two countries.