• Title/Summary/Keyword: China and America

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Analysis of Trend in Comparative Education Research Related to Curriculum in the 「Korean Journal of Comparative Education」 from Postcolonial Perspectives (탈식민주의 관점에서 본 국내 교육과정 관련 비교교육 연구 동향: 「비교교육연구」 학술지에 게재된 논문을 중심으로)

  • So, Kyung-Hee
    • Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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    • v.27 no.4
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    • pp.23-44
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this study is to review the trend in comparative education research related to curriculum published in the Korean Journal of Comparative Education, and to critically analyze its characteristics from the postcolonial perspectives. In this study, I analyzed 61 articles published in this journal from 1995 to 2016. The result showed that comparative studies related to curriculum were conducted mainly by benchmarking policies or contents related to curriculum and textbooks of Western countries including North America and Europe as well as Japan which colonized Korea. In addition, although Korea has been changing into multicultural society, studies on Asian countries such as China and Vietnam which are the nationalities of many foreigners living in Korea were rare. Based on the results, this study suggested that the expansion of comparative education research subjects, overcoming of coloniality in comparative education, and ontological reflection of comparative education researchers are necessary.

The Political Economy of Southeast Asia 2017 (동남아의 정치경제 2017)

  • PARK, Sa-Myung
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.1
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    • pp.1-20
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    • 2018
  • Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

A Study on the Economic Validity of TSR Connecting TKR (TKR과 연계한 TSR의 경제적 타당성에 관한 연구)

  • Choi, Kyoung-Hoon;Park, Gyei-Kark;Lee, Roman R.;Yoon, Dae-Gwun
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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    • v.18 no.4
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    • pp.345-351
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    • 2012
  • The major trade area of the South Korea is divided into Asia, America and Europe. Generally, marine transportation is the main method of mass cargo transportation, but unlike others, rail transportation is available in the Europe area. Also, as a result of China's growth, South Korea's position as northeast Asia logistics hub has weakened. That is the reason why we need to pay attention to rail transportation, an alternative competitive structure. In accordance with this background, this study focuses on analyzing economic feasibility comparing transportation routes to Europe using Trans-Korea Railway and Trans-Siberia Railway. Factors of analysis are transportation distance, period, cost and additional cost As the result, considering economic feasibility, TKR-TSR route(Route1) is the best transportation approach for six routes. Therefore, using TKR-TSR railway will be the best way to increase nation's competitiveness, in response to Russia government's far-east development strategy.

A Simulation Study on the Performances of Revenue Management Models for an Air Cargo Network (시뮬레이션을 통한 항공화물 네트워크 수익관리 모형 성능 평가)

  • Lee, Kwang-Ryul;Yoon, Soo-Jeong;Lee, Chul-Ung
    • Journal of the Korea Society for Simulation
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    • v.18 no.1
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    • pp.41-51
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    • 2009
  • A discrete event simulation model is developed to evaluate the performances of three different revenue management methods for an air cargo network from Northeast China to North America and Europe. In the first method, a bid price model is applied only to the routes that pass through Incheon. In the second method, the bid price model is applied to all the routes. In third method, bid price and virtual nesting models are applied to the routes that pass through Incheon. The results show that the total revenue significantly increases with the employment of pricing and capacity control. The developed simulation model is a useful research tool to study marketing strategies for air cargo operations.

THE ECOLOGY, PHYTOGEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOBOTANY OF GINSENG

  • Hu Shiu Ying
    • Proceedings of the Ginseng society Conference
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    • 1978.09a
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    • pp.149-157
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    • 1978
  • Ginseng is the English common name for the species in the genus Panax. This article gives a broad botanical review including the morphological characteristics, ecological amplitude, and the ethnobotanical aspect of the genus Panax. The species of Panax are adapted for life in rich loose soil of partially shaded forest floor with the deciduous trees such as linden, oak, maple, ash, alder, birch, beech, hickory, etc. forming the canopy. Like their associated trees, all ginsengs are deciduous. They require annual climatic changes, plenty of water in summer, and a period of dormancy in winter. The plant body of ginseng consists of an underground rhizome and an aerial shoot. The rhizome has a terminal bud, prominent leafscars and a fleshy root in some species. It is perennial. The aerial shoot is herbaceous and annual. It consists of a single slender stem with a whorl of digitately compound leaves and a terminal umbel bearing fleshy red fruits after flowering. The yearly cycle of death and renascence of the aerial shoot is a natural phenomenon in ginseng. The species of Panax occur in eastern North America and eastern Asia, including the eastern portion of the Himalayan region. Such a bicentric generic distributional pattern indicates a close floristic relationship of the eastern sides of two great continental masses in the northern hemisphere. It is well documented that genera with this type of disjunct distribution are of great antiquity. Many of them have fossil remains in Tertiary deposits. In this respect, the species of Panax may be regarded as living fossils. The distribution of the species, and the center of morphological diversification are explained with maps and other illustrations. Chemical constituents confirm the conclusion derived from morphological characters that eastern Asia is the center of species concentration of Panax. In eastern North America two species occur between longitude $70^{\circ}-97^{\circ}$ Wand latitude $34^{\circ}-47^{\circ}$ N. In eastern Asia the range of the genus extends from longitude $85^{\circ}$ E in Nepal to $140^{\circ}$ E in Japan, and from latitude $22^{\circ}$ N in the hills of Tonkin of North Vietnam to $48^{\circ}$ N in eastern Siberia. The species in eastern North America all have fleshy roots, and many of the species in eastern Asia have creeping stolons with enlarged nodes or stout horizontal rhizomes as storage organs in place of fleshy roots. People living in close harmony with nature in the homeland of various species of Panax have used the stout rhizomes or the fleshy roots of different wild forms of ginseng for medicine since time immemorial. Those who live in the center morphological diversity are specific both in the application of names for the identification of species in their communication and in the use of different roots as remedies to relieve pain, to cure diseases, or to correct physiological disorders. Now, natural resources of wild plants with medicinal virtue are extremely limited. In order to meet the market demand, three species have been intensively cultivated in limited areas. These species are American ginseng (P. quinquefolius) in northeastern United States, ginseng (P. ginseng) in northeastern Asia, particularly in Korea, and Sanchi (P. wangianus) in southwestern China, especially in Yunnan. At present hybridization and selection for better quality, higher yield, and more effective chemical contents have not received due attention in ginseng culture. Proper steps in this direction should be taken immediately, so that our generation may create a richer legacy to hand down to the future. Meanwhile, all wild plants of all species in all lands should be declared as endangered taxa, and they should be protected from further uprooting so that a. fuller gene pool may be conserved for the. genus Panax.

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Analysis of the Environmental Index and Situation Naturalized Plants in the Stream of Downtown Jeonju (전주 도심 하천의 귀화식물 현황과 환경지수 분석)

  • Oh, Hyun-Kyung;Beon, Mu-Sup
    • Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
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    • v.24 no.3
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    • pp.248-257
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    • 2006
  • Total naturalized plant species in the streams of Jeonju were listed as 109 taxa; 24 families, 75 genera, 106 species, 3 varieties. Dividing by stream, Jeonju stream has 75 taxa; 20 families, 55 genera, 73 species, 2 varieties. Samcheon stream has 86 taxa; 19 families, 64 genera, 84 species, 2 varieties. Soyang stream has 80 taxa; 21 families, 60 genera, 77 species, 3 varieties. Urbanization Index (UI) of total streams (109 taxa) was 40.2%. UI was 27.7% in Jeonju stream (75 taxa), 31.7% in Samcheon stream (86 taxa), 29.5% in Soyang stream (80 taxa). Dividing by degree of naturalization classification, 25 taxa (9.2%) were found in class 5, 17 taxa (6.2%) in class 4, 32 taxa (11.8%) in class 3, 27 taxa (9.9%) in class 2 and 8 taxa (2.9%) in class 1. Dividing by introduction period, 48 taxa (44%) aye in period I, 19 taxa (17%) in period II, 42 taxa (39%) in period III. Dividing by growth type, 48 taxa (44%) are annuals, 25 taxa (23%) are biennials, 33 taxa (30%) are perennials. Dividing by the place of origin, 39 taxa (35%) are from Euyope, 33 taxa (30%) from North America, 11 taxa (10%) from Tropic America, 9 taxa (8%) from Europe Asia,5 taxa (5%) from South America, 5 taxa (5%) from China.

Burqanism from the Origin of the Pastoral Nomadic Koryo Region and the Vision of Korean Livestock Farming (고려의 원시영역 유목초지, 그 부르칸(불함)이즘과 한국축산의 비전)

  • Chu Chae Hyok
    • Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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    • v.25 no.1
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    • pp.71-82
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    • 2005
  • Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.

Global Rice Production, Consumption and Trade: Trends and Future Directions

  • Bhandari, Humnath
    • Proceedings of the Korean Society of Crop Science Conference
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    • 2019.09a
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    • pp.5-5
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    • 2019
  • The objectives of this paper are (i) to analyze past trends and future directions of rice production, consumption and trade across the world and (ii) to discuss emerging challenges and future directions in the global rice industry. Rice is a staple food of over half of the world's 7.7 billion people. It is an important economic, social, political, and cultural commodity in most Asian countries. Rice is the $1^{st}$ most widely consumed, $2^{nd}$ largely produced, and $3^{rd}$ most widely grown food crop in the world. It was cultivated by 144 million farms in over 100 countries with harvested area of over 163 million ha producing about 745 million tons paddy in 2018. About 90% of the total rice is produced in Asia. China and India, the biggest rice producers, account for over half of the world's rice production. Between 1960 and 2018, world rice production increased over threefold from 221 to 745 million tons (2.1% per year) due to area expansion from 120 to 163 million ha (0.5% per year) and paddy yield increase from 1.8 to 4.6 t/ha (1.6% per year). The Green Revolution led massive increase in rice production prevented famines, provided food for millions of people, reduced poverty and hunger, and improved livelihoods of millions of Asians. The future increase in rice production must come from yield increase as the scope for area expansion is limited. Rice is the most widely consumed food crop. The world's average per capita milled rice consumption is 64 kilograms providing 19% of daily calories. Asia accounted for 84% of global consumption followed by Africa (7%), South America (3%), and the Middle East (2%). Asia's per capita rice consumption is 100 kilograms per year providing 28% of daily calories. The global and Asian per capita consumption increased from the 1960s to the 1990s but stable afterward. The per capita rice consumption is expected to decline in Asia but increase outside Asia especially in Africa in the future. The total milled rice consumption was about 490 million tons in 2018 and projected to reach 550 million tons by 2030 and 590 million tons by 2040. Rice is thinly traded in international market because it is a highly protected commodity. Only about 9% of the total production is traded in global rice market. However, the volume of global rice trade has increased over six-fold from 7.5 to 46.5 million tons between the 1960s and 2018. A relatively small number of exporting countries interact with a large number of importing countries. The top five rice exporting countries are India, Thailand, Vietnam, Pakistan, and China accounting for 74% of the global rice export. The top five rice importing countries are China, Philippines, Nigeria, European Union and Saudi Arabia accounting for 26% of the global rice import. Within rice varieties, Japonica rice accounts for the highest share of the global rice trade (about 12%) followed by Basmati rice (about 10%). The high concentration of exports to a few countries makes international rice market vulnerable to supply disruptions in exporting countries, leading to higher world prices of rice. The export price of Thai 5% broken rice increased from 198 US$/ton in 2000 to 421 US$/ton in 2018. The volumes of trade and rice prices in the global market are expected to increase in the future. The major future challenges of the rice industry are increasing demand due to population growth, rising demand in Africa, economic growth and diet diversification, competition for natural resources (land and water), labor scarcity, climate change and natural hazards, poverty and inequality, hunger and malnutrition, urbanization, low income in rice farming, yield saturation, aging of farmers, feminization of agriculture, health and environmental concerns, improving value chains, and shifting donor priorities away from agriculture. At the same time, new opportunities are available due to access to new technologies, increased investment by the private sector, and increased global partnership. More investment in rice research and development is needed to develop and disseminate innovative technologies and practices to overcome problems and ensure food and nutrition security of the future population.

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An Historical and Cultural Analysis on the Eastern and Western Moat (동·서양 해자(垓字)의 역사와 문화적 해석)

  • Jung, Yong-Jo;Sim, Woo-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.105-120
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    • 2011
  • A moat is a pond or waterway paved on the outside of a fortress that is one of the facilities to prevent enemy from approaching the fortress wall or classify it as the boundary space, moats had existed in Europe, Asia and the America from ancient times to medieval times. however it is has been disappeared in modem society. In addition, a moat is a great value in historical and cultural sense such as offering a variety of cultural activities and habitats for animals, but unfortunately there is little consideration of its restoration plan. This research is aimed to investigate historical and cultural meaning and significance of moats which had been existing from ancient times to medieval times in the Eastern and Western. For this purpose, this research analyzed concepts and functions in consideration with times and ideological backgrounds of moats in Korea, China, and Japan. Results were as follows: 1. Moats in Korea existed not only in the castle towns of Goguryeo but also in ancient castle towns of Baekje and Silla. Natural moats and artificial moats existed around castles that were built to prevent and disconnect accessibility of enemies In Goryeo Dynasty and Chosun Dynasty, moats were also used as a defensive function. 2. A moat was generally installed by digging in the ground deep and wide at regular intervals from the ramparts, A moat was installed not only around a castle but also in its interiors. Moats outside castles played an important role in stomping the ground hard besides enhancing its defensive power. In addition, water bodies around a facility often discouraged people's access and walls or fences segregated space physically, but a moat with its open space had an alert and defensive means while pertaining its visual characteristics. 3. The moat found at Nagan Eupseong rumor has it that a village officials' strength was extremely tough due to strong energy of the blue dragon[Dongcheon] in Pungsujiri aspects, so such worries could be eliminated by letting the stream of the blue dragon flow in the form of 'S'. 4. The rampart of the Forbidden City of China is 7.9 meters high, and 3,428 meters long in circumference. It was built with 15 layers of bricks which were tamped down after being mixed with glutinous rice and earth, so it is really solid. The moat of the Forbidden City is 52 meters in width and 6 meters in depth, which surrounds the rampart of the Forbidden City, possibly blocking off enemies' approach. 5. Japan moats functioned as waterways due to their location in cities, further, with the arrangement of leisure facilities nearby, such as boating, fishing from boats, and restaurants, it helped relieve city dwellers' stress and functions as a lively city space. 6. Korean moats are smaller in scale than those of the Forbidden City of China, and Edo, and Osaka castles in Japan, Moats were mostly installed to protect royal palaces or castles in the Eastern Asia whereas moats were installed to protect kings, lords, or properties of wealthy people in the west.

The Manchus and ginseng in the Qing period (만주족과 인삼)

  • Kim, Seonmin
    • Journal of Ginseng Culture
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    • v.1
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    • pp.11-27
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    • 2019
  • The Jurchens, the ancestors of the Qing Manchus, had lived scattered in Manchuria and had made their living mostly on ginseng gathering and animal hunting. Their residential areas, rich with deep forest and numerous rivers, provided great habitation for all kinds of flora and fauna, but not so proper for agriculture. Based on their activities of foraging and hunting, the Jurchens developed a unique social organization that was later transformed into the Banner System, the most distinctive Qing military institution. By the sixteenth century, that the external trade brought considerable changes to Jurchen society. A huge amount of foreign silver, imported from Japan and South America to China, first invigorated commercial economy in China proper, and later caused a huge influence on Ming frontier regions, including Manchuria. In the late sixteenth century when the tradition of foraging and hunting encountered with silver economy, the Jurchen tribes became unified after years of competition and transformed themselves into the Manchus to build the Qing empire in 1636. In 1644 the Manchus succeeded in conquering the China Proper and moved into Beijing. Even after that, the Manchu imperial court never forgot the value of Manchurii ginseng; instead, they paid great efforts to monopolize this profitable root. Until the late seventeenth century, the Qing court used the Banner System to manage Manchurian ginseng. The banner soldiers stationed in Manchuria checked unauthorized civilian entrances in this frontier and protected its ginseng producing mountains from the Han Chinese people. All the process of ginseng gathering was managed by the institutions under the direct control of the imperial court, such as the Imperial Household Department, the Butha Ula Office, and the Three Upper Banner in Shengjing. Banner soldiers were dispatched to the given mountains, collect the given amount of ginseng, and send them to the imperial court in Beijing. The state monopoly of ginseng was maintained throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries under the principle that Manchuria and its natural resources should be guarded from civilian encroachment. At the same time, Manchurian ginseng was considered as an important source of state revenue. The imperial court and financial bureau wanted to collect ginseng as much as they needed. By the late seventeenth century as the ginseng management by the banner soldiers failed in securing the ginseng tax, the Qing court began to invite civil merchants to ginseng business. During the eighteenth century the Qing ginseng policy became more dependent on civil merchants, both their money and management. In 1853 the Qing finally ended the ginseng monopoly, but it was before the early eighteenth century that wealthy merchants hired ginseng gatherers and paid ginseng tax to the state. The Qing monopoly of ginseng was in fact maintained by the active participation of civil merchants in the ginseng business.