• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.167-177
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• 2018

Major countries, such as the U.S., UK and Germany have reformed their national intelligence systems in the face of transnational, asymmetric and comprehensive threats since September 11, 2001 and have strengthened the intelligence capacity involved in countering terrorism and WMD proliferation, right/left extremism threats. The Korean Moon Jae-in government is preparing a reform plan to eliminate illegal political intervention and abuse of power by the National Intelligence Service(NIS) and to rebuild it as an efficient national intelligence agency for national security. In discussing the reform direction of the NIS, it is necessary to discuss in detail whether adopting a separate model of intelligence agencies to restrict domestic intelligence activities of the NIS and concentrate on foreign intelligence activities or establish new domestic intelligence agencies. Second, as for the issue of transferring anti-Communism investigation authority of the NIS to the police, it needs to be carefully considered in terms of balancing the efficiency and professionalism of intelligence agency activity in the context of North Korea's continuous military provocation, covert operations and cyber threats. Third, it should strive to strengthen the control and supervision functions of the administration and the National Assembly to ensure the political neutrality of the NIS in accordance with the democratization era, to guarantee citizens' basic rights and to improve the transparency of budget execution.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.173-198
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to analyze the characteristics of Educational Reforms Policy in lately Japan and to evaluate it. Especially focus on the activities of the [MEXT; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology] and [CCE;The Central Council for Education] This article composed of five chapters; Implication and problem situation, History of the Japanese educational reforms, the characteristics in the site of process of educational reforms policy, evaluation on the main policies, and Conclusion(contain the suggestion for Korea). The method of study composed of the literature search and interview. The System Analysis[input-process-output-feedback] is used as a model of the analyze the characteristics of educational reforms policy. By the new Basic Act on Education, the principles of educational administration is changed. Education administration shall be carried out in a fair and proper manner through appropriate role sharing and cooperation between the national and local governments(Article 16). As a conclusion, The initiative in the establishment of educational reform plans has gone over to the cabinet side from MEXT. And evaluate the five policies. That is Japan's Basic Plan for the Promotion of Education, The new Basic Act on Education(enacted on 2006), Provincial Governor's (Tokyo & Oska) Educational Reform Plan, Reform plan of the Boards of Education, and Improvement Policy of the Quality of Teachers.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.129-148
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• 2017

The political system of Xi Jinping which was launched in 2013, faced many difficulties both domestically and internationally. Xi Jinping must integrate and stabilize society through political reforms, such as sustained economic growth and Resolved corruption. In addition, he should seek new relations with the United States on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Therefore, this study analyzed political leadership of Chinese political leaders including Xi Jinping using Max Weber 's political domination type. From the first generation political leaders to the fourth generation political leaders in China, the types of political domination of the first and second generation political leaders tend to be charismatic rather than legitimate domination. But the third generation political leaders tend to have a tendency of traditional domination rather than legitimate domination, and the fourth generation political leaders have a tendency to dominate more than traditional domination. On the other hand, the type of political domination of Xi Jinping shows traditional domination and legitimate domination tendency in the process of political growth and emergence, but shows tendency of charismatic domination after domination of political power.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.285-299
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• 2005

The economic reform in China since 1978 has been increasingly sped up and deepened. The recent development of private enterprises, especially, has significant economic and political implications, whereas its regional differentiation has considerable impacts on both the development potential of certain regions and overall regional growth pattern. This study aims to understand the regional pattern of private enterprise growth as well as the institutional change which has structured the growth process. The development of private enterprises turned out to be closely tied to the marketization strategy of dual-track system and policy needs to reduce the unemployment level in both urban and 겨ral China. The regional pattern of the private enterprise growth can be characterized as ever-increasing spatial differentiation. Based on the basic statistical analysis results, it is argued that the private enterprise growth is closed related with the marketization level of the regional economy. Therefore, the strategy of developing private sector will be more important in shaping the regional development path as well as potential.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.183-216
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• 2011

이 글은 잠재적 이주노동자들이 거버넌스에 중요성을 부여하는 정도가 이주의도가 없는 경우와 비교하여 어떻게 다른지를 필리핀의 자료를 이용하여 분석한 연구이다. 2011년 기준으로 전 세계 인구의 3.2퍼센트가 국제이주자이며 이들이 본국에 보내는 노동송금은 4천 4백억 달러에 달한다. 기존연구에서 파악하듯 세계인구이동의 대부분을 차지하는 노동이주의 주요 결정요인은 출신국과 이주대상국의 소득격차, 기존 이주 네트워크, 이주대상국의 이주정책 등을 포함한 경제적 요인들이다. 그러나 대규모 송출국들이 대부분 경제적 저발전과 취약한 정부(ineffective government)의 구조적인 문제를 함께 가지고 있다는 점에 착안한다면 비록 경제적 고려가 우선시 되는 노동이주에 있어서도 잠재적 이주자들이 "정치적" 으로 여타의 사회와 구분되는 특수한 정치적 태도를 가질 수 있다고 생각할 수 있다. 이주자들의 정치적 태도를 올바르게 이해하는 것은 노동이주가 송출국에 미치는 정치적 영향을 분석하는 데 있어 매우 중요하다. 해당 이주자들의 부재와 이들이 본국으로 보내는 노동송금이 송출국 정치에 영향을 미칠 수 있는데 그 영향의 방향은 이주자의 기본적인 정치적 관심과 의제에 따라 달라질 것이기 때문이다. 이러한 배경에서 이 글은 다음과 같은 연구 질문에 답하고자 한다. 첫째, 이주노동의사가 있는 시민들이 취약한 정부능력에 대한 염려가 그렇지 않은 경우보다 높은가? 둘째, 이러한 관계가 성립된다면 그 관계는 민주주의에 대한 지지를 저해하는가? 이 연구는 2002년과 2003년 필리핀에서 실시된 전국적 설문조사인 Social Weather Survey 자료와 2008년 및 2009 년 필리핀 현지조사에서 수집한 인터뷰와 2차 자료를 근거로, 정부능력에 대한 평가와 이주노동의사의 관계를 분석하였다. 연구결과, 기존 연구가 제시하는 통제변인들을 감안하더라도 효과적인 정부운영이 필리핀이 당면한 가장 중요한 과제라고 생각할수록 해외로 취업할 것을 고려할 가능성이 높은 것으로 나타났다. 또한 다행히도 이러한 태도가 민주주의에 대한 원칙적인 지지에는 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 드러났다. 그러나 효과적인 정부에 대한 관심이 이주노동을 고려하는 시민들에게 높다는 사실은 장기적으로 이들이 해외로 이주할 경우 정부개혁을 요구하고 추진할 국내적 정치적 기반이 줄어들 수 있다는 부정적 함의를 가지기도 한다.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Tribologists and Lubrication Engineers Conference
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• 1991.11a
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• pp.1-7
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• 1991

소련과 동구라파의 개방과 개혁으로 신문지상에는 냉전의 종식, 동서화합 등에 관한 기사가 심심치 않게 등장하며, 잇따른 미$\cdot$소의 군비감축 발표로 정치적으로나 사회적으로나 세계평화가 구가되는 시기가 도래한 듯한 느낌을 준다. 이러한 변화를 일각에서는 민주주의의 승리라고 말하고 있지만, 구체적으로 분석해보면 동구권의 개방고 개혁은 소비재 경제의 파탄으로 서방국가에 비해 국민 생활이 극심하게 낙후된것에 기인하고 있고, 그 원인은 기술의 상업화가 부재하였기 때문으로 서방과 동구의 현격한 민수용 기술격차가 동구권 변화의 근본적 이유이다. 오늘날 기술경쟁은 총성없는 전쟁으로 묘사되고 있으며, 기술정보는 군사정보 이상으로 중요하게 취급되고 있다. 우리는 상재국가 또는 경쟁기업을 대상으로 한 기술전쟁의 시대에 살고 잇다. 얼마나 우수한 물건을 저렴한 가격으로 생산해서 판매할 것인가 하는 문제가 기업의 생존과 그 나라의 경제를 좌우한다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 소련과의 기계기술 교류는 국내의 취약한 기계 기반기술을 고도화 시키고 부가가치가 큰 첨단 기계기술 분야를 국내 토착화 시킬 수 있는 좋은 기회로서 국내 기술계의 역량을 모아 합심해서 대처해야 할 것이다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.51-90
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• 2016

Vietnam has proceeded the gradual reform without radical political change since launching the 'Doi Moi', the comprehensive reform policy adopted in late 1986. Vietnam has been evaluated as a country to perform the economic growth for 30 years successfully, although there were economic recessions for a short time. Through looking at the process of reform, while the state economic sector and foreign-invested sector have contributed to the economic growth in the initial stage of reform, the domestic private sector and foreign-invested sector's economic roles have increased and the state sector's role has been decreased, as the reform has been proceeded. As the state's developmental role has been revealed prominently in the reform process and state's involvement into economic affairs in Vietnam, it is reasonable, in part, to categorize Vietnam as a developmental state like East Asian developmental states. However this evaluation is tentative, as it seems that Vietnamese state's industrial policies have contributed economic growth partly and remarkable economic growth has been shown in the sectors that the government has not focused. In conclusion, Vietnam has changed into a mixed country which has the characteristics of East Asian developmental state formally and the features of Southeast Asian countries which have focused more on the foreign-invested developmental strategy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.63-82
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• 2011

한국사회 이념갈등을 다룬 대부분의 연구들은 이념갈등의 본질은 대북문제에 있으며, 이를 제외한 다른 정치사회적 이슈들에 대해서는 진보와 보수 간의 유의미한 차이가 없다고 밝히고 있다. 그러나 우리사회 현실을 볼 때 진보와 보수세력은 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화 등의 대부분의 이슈에 이해 첨예한 대립 관계를 형성하고 있다. 본 연구는 이에 대한 해답을 찾고자 한다. 본 연구에서는 이념측정의 방법과 분석틀에 있어 새로운 방법론을 제시한다. 우선 본 연구에서는 자기평가적 주관적 이념성향 대신 인간의 본성과 도덕성에 대한 태도, 사회개혁과 사회권위에 대한 입장 등으로 구성된 이념성향을 측정하였다. 또한 정책에 대한 입장이 개인의 이념성향을 결정하는 것이 아니라, 이념성향이 먼저 결정되며, 거기에 따라 정책에 대한 개인의 인식이나 입장이 나타나는 것이 논리적으로 타당하다고 본다.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.293-302
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• 2002

China in the era of economic transition has conducted the housing reform policy over the past 20 years. Housing providing systems have changed from the free distributing housing system under the governmental planning to the monetary housing system for individual customers. The 1998 monetary housing distribution policy, which ended the 20-year Chinese housing reform, departed from the direct distribution system that had blocked housing commodification. The purpose of the housing reform was to provide and reproduce housing without the expenses of the Chinese government and work unit (danwei), which is different from Russia. In order to achieve the housing reform, the Chinese government introduced various policies, which enabled residents to purchase housing by themselves. However, it took long for residents, who had taken government's welfare system granted, to accept housing as goods. In addition, the Chinese government's efforts to reproduce housing by market systems failed because housing was closely linked to land and was expensive consumption goods, which differentiates housing from other goods that can be commodified through market prices and diverse ownerships. Accordingly, despite a political burden, the Chinese government waived the real distribution policy for housing. After the waiver, the housing commodification process excelled through the private housing markets.