• Title/Summary/Keyword: 정치가

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An Empirical Study on the Political Cost in Korean Shipping Industry (한국해운산업의 정치적 비용에 관한 실증연구)

  • Jo, Joon-Gul;Ahn, Ki-Myung;Pai, Hoo-Seok
    • Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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    • v.28 no.8
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    • pp.687-697
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    • 2004
  • This paper is aimed to guide ocean-going companies to reasonable decisions and to increase the competitiveness of Korean shipping industry by clarifying the determinants of political costs of ocean-going companies, which only depend for the enormous amount of money to introduce the operating fixed assets, or the vessels, upon the supporting policy from the government or the loan from the related financial institutions. As independent variables of the political costs, 5 elements were settled such as company size(sales, total assets and market share), debit ratio, capital concentration ratio, profitability(operating profit) and marine risk(sales fluctuation). To verify the relations and the effect level between dependent variables and political costs, the Multiple Regression Analysis Model was applied The result of the analysis shows significantly positive relations between size variables and political cost of shipping industry. Moreover, debt ratio and profitability were proved significant related with political costs of shipping industry.

Ahn Jaihong's 'Bulhamdo(不咸道)' and 'Dasarism' (안재홍의 '불함도(不咸道)'와 '다사리 국가론')

  • Lee, Sangik
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.53
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    • pp.101-129
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    • 2017
  • The core of Ahn Jaihong's 'Bulhamdo(不咸道)' is the principle of 'bark(?) bal(?) baer(배어)', and it forms the basis of the 'Dasarism.' Ahn Jaihong's 'Dasarism' explains the meaning of the Korean number by its etymology, and give it a political philosophical significance. He pays attention to the number of 'five (다섯)' especially, and his 'Dasarism' is based on this as well. According to him, 'five(다섯)' means 'Dasari(다사리)', and 'Dasari' means both 'everyone says what they think' and 'makes everyone live well' simultaneously. Ahn Jaihong tries to establish a unified nation state with Dasarism through which conflicts of right and left could be sublated. In order to do this, he had to offer 'a doctrine that can unite the opposing factions' and 'the prospect of a new country.' He discovered these two elements in interpreting the etymology of Han-gul, and organized these things into 'Chosun political philosophy.'

Adult Political Education in former East Germany after German Unification - Lessons for North and South Korean Case - (독일통일 후 구동독지역 성인정치교육의 성과와 한계)

  • Kang, Gu-Sup
    • Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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    • v.26 no.3
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    • pp.51-73
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    • 2016
  • The study aims to examine the achievements and shortcomings of adult political education that had been conducted in former Eastern Germany following German unification. More specifically, the study focuses on drawing some policy suggestions and implications for carrying out adult political education for North Koreans in a unified Korea. In fact, former East Germans after German unification needed to receive political education to adjust to a new social system and get related various informations that they had never experienced before. In this context, former East Germans were provided with political education on democratic political system, capitalism, and various laws and regulations that they need to know to get used to a new social system. However, the results of the study indicate that adult political educational system in the former Eastern Germany shows some shortcomings regarding former East Germans' indifference about political education, educational contents which was not cut out for East Germans, and absence of proper methodological approaches. Furthermore, the study points out that North Koreans' educational background and their experiences in North Korea should be considered when selecting subjects and contents of political education for North Koreans in a unified Korea.

An Analytic Framework for the Political and Aesthetic Possibility of Interactive Documentary and Its Practice (인터랙티브 다큐멘터리의 정치적·미학적 가능성과 그 실천에 관한 분석틀 제안)

  • Kwon, Hochang
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.21 no.10
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    • pp.184-193
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    • 2021
  • Interactive documentary refers to a new style of documentary that is created and accepted through active interaction. It is attracting attention as a platform that forms a public sphere and mediates audiences to participate in social change. However, the possibilities was not systematically explored, and there was insufficient consideration on how to realize them. In this paper, discussions on the political aesthetics of Walter Benjamin are examined, and the media characteristics of interactive documentary are analyzed through text mining. Then, by connecting the two to each other, we draw a map of the political and aesthetic possibilities, and based on the map, we analyze the actual works. This study has the value of establishing a theoretical framework for the possibilities of interactive documentaries. In the follow-up study, we will consider the practical strategy of interactive documentary as a transmedia activism and develop a practical analysis and planning methodology.

Governance Concerns and Migration Intentions: A Study of Potential Filipino Migrants (거버넌스와 이주: 필리핀 잠재적 이주노동자에 대한 연구)

  • Oh, Yoon-Ah
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.183-216
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    • 2011
  • 이 글은 잠재적 이주노동자들이 거버넌스에 중요성을 부여하는 정도가 이주의도가 없는 경우와 비교하여 어떻게 다른지를 필리핀의 자료를 이용하여 분석한 연구이다. 2011년 기준으로 전 세계 인구의 3.2퍼센트가 국제이주자이며 이들이 본국에 보내는 노동송금은 4천 4백억 달러에 달한다. 기존연구에서 파악하듯 세계인구이동의 대부분을 차지하는 노동이주의 주요 결정요인은 출신국과 이주대상국의 소득격차, 기존 이주 네트워크, 이주대상국의 이주정책 등을 포함한 경제적 요인들이다. 그러나 대규모 송출국들이 대부분 경제적 저발전과 취약한 정부(ineffective government)의 구조적인 문제를 함께 가지고 있다는 점에 착안한다면 비록 경제적 고려가 우선시 되는 노동이주에 있어서도 잠재적 이주자들이 "정치적" 으로 여타의 사회와 구분되는 특수한 정치적 태도를 가질 수 있다고 생각할 수 있다. 이주자들의 정치적 태도를 올바르게 이해하는 것은 노동이주가 송출국에 미치는 정치적 영향을 분석하는 데 있어 매우 중요하다. 해당 이주자들의 부재와 이들이 본국으로 보내는 노동송금이 송출국 정치에 영향을 미칠 수 있는데 그 영향의 방향은 이주자의 기본적인 정치적 관심과 의제에 따라 달라질 것이기 때문이다. 이러한 배경에서 이 글은 다음과 같은 연구 질문에 답하고자 한다. 첫째, 이주노동의사가 있는 시민들이 취약한 정부능력에 대한 염려가 그렇지 않은 경우보다 높은가? 둘째, 이러한 관계가 성립된다면 그 관계는 민주주의에 대한 지지를 저해하는가? 이 연구는 2002년과 2003년 필리핀에서 실시된 전국적 설문조사인 Social Weather Survey 자료와 2008년 및 2009 년 필리핀 현지조사에서 수집한 인터뷰와 2차 자료를 근거로, 정부능력에 대한 평가와 이주노동의사의 관계를 분석하였다. 연구결과, 기존 연구가 제시하는 통제변인들을 감안하더라도 효과적인 정부운영이 필리핀이 당면한 가장 중요한 과제라고 생각할수록 해외로 취업할 것을 고려할 가능성이 높은 것으로 나타났다. 또한 다행히도 이러한 태도가 민주주의에 대한 원칙적인 지지에는 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 드러났다. 그러나 효과적인 정부에 대한 관심이 이주노동을 고려하는 시민들에게 높다는 사실은 장기적으로 이들이 해외로 이주할 경우 정부개혁을 요구하고 추진할 국내적 정치적 기반이 줄어들 수 있다는 부정적 함의를 가지기도 한다.

A Historical Review Since 1988 on the Relationship Between National Assembly, President and Political Parties (민주화 이후 국회-대통령-정당의 상생관계? : 역사적 관점에서)

  • Cho, Jung-Kwan
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.5-38
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    • 2009
  • This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.

A Study on Discriminant Factors of Political Orientation of Korean People: Focusing upon Welfare Attitudes (한국인의 정치적 성향 판별요인 분석: 복지태도를 중심으로)

  • Sin-Young Kim
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.227-231
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    • 2024
  • This study purports to examine the potential effects of welfare attitudes of Korean people upon their political orientation. The 17th Korea Welfare Panel Data(KWPD) in 2022 are used for this purpose. Independent variable include sex, age, education, interest in politics, and employment status. Discriminant analysis show several results. First and foremost, pre-established discriminant function works well for classification of respondents' liberal vs conservative stance. Secondly, except gender and dummy variable for temporary employed, all independent variables contribute significantly for the classification at a given significance level. . Finally, welfare attitudes of respondents', measured by universalism vs selectivism and the attitudes upon increasing tax for welfare expenditures are found to be significant and relatively big impacts upon dependent variable, compard to other variables in the model. The nature of causal relationship between welfare attitudes and political orientation remains for further study.