• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.79-97
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to analyze the democratic civic competencies of the activity tasks in 'the Family Life' part in Middle School Technology Home Economics textbooks according to the 2015 revised national curriculum. In order to achieve the purpose of this study, the activity tasks of six types of middle school Home Economics textbooks (for a total 12 of volumes) were analyzed. As a result, the use of the citizenship competency group was the most often recorded out of the three democratic civic competency groups and the subset of trust and value competencies also were frequently observed. Additionally, democratic civic competency was the seen most within the 'human development and family' area by the national curriculum, and showed the highest frequency in big idea, 'the relationship'. Activity tasks in the 'KH' textbooks were dealing with democratic civic competency the most. Based on the relationship between Home Economics education and democratic civic competencies, it is necessary to study the practice of classroom instruction so that students can develop democratic civic competence in 'the Family Life' by means of a Home Economics curriculum.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.54-72
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• 2016

This article analyzes the latest cases of Digital Social Innovation such as crowdsourcing and online petitions for public trouble-shooting in oder to demonstrate that public engagement of the citizens on decision making can enhance the quality of democracy. Digital Social Innovation contributes to citizen's participation on decision making and policy implementation with taking advantage of digital technologies of crowdsourcing and online petitions. Active civic engagement for decision making literally helps to improve and democratize government policy. These series of processes not only improve quality and efficiency of policy governance by building up transparency and effectiveness of policy itself but also enhance the throughput legitimacy. With this article, I quote and analyze various practices of Digital Social Innovation which we had substantiated to demonstrate the effectiveness of civic engagement for decision making to improve and enhance democracy. The hypothesis that the Digital Social Innovation attempted in various ways is a principal factor of democratization could be verified. Moreover, the practices of Digital Social Innovation helps the civic participation in policy making in modern society. Finally, this article suggests an implication of Digital Social Innovation as part of efforts to ensure the involvement of throughput legitimacy for the development of democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.45
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• pp.121-153
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• 2015

Struggles to gain acknowledgement of identity have a characteristic of movement to recover human dignity. Participants in this movement come to confirm themselves as the subject of rights and communicate one another, free from oppression. Being guaranteed the opportunity to participate in the public opinion formation process is an indispensable element of human rights. In 1980, though it was short and incomplete, Gwangju experienced communal autonomy under the condition that state power was temporarily stopped. The contents and memories of the Gwangju Democratization Movement that intended to protect autonomy of civil society, resisting pillage of state power, remain intact in the 1980 Archives for the May 18th. The 5.18 archives were registered in UNESCO's Memory of the World in 2011, with its value of human rights and protection of democracy being acknowledged. The 5.18 archives have memories of resistance and struggles for justice, and sacrifices and pains of citizens under oppressive political authority in Gwangju, 1980. Thus, these archives are related to the historical struggles for democracy, and suggest a lesson on the transition process towards democracy to us. Preservation and utilization of the documentary heritage constantly lead the memories of historical events to the present, and enable exchanges of experiences and ideas between the present and the future. This study, through the process of UNESCO's Memory of the World registration and post-registration process, beyond the value of archives, tries to examine how historical events are led to the present, through the archives and to discuss the other values of archives.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.13 no.7
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• pp.2971-2982
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• 2012

This study aimed at analyzing teachers' perception of democratic civic education. A total of 200 childcare teachers participated in the survey, and frequency analysis and cross-tabulation analysis were performed to analyze the survey data. According to the results of the study, first, the childcare teachers were significantly different in the teachers' factors on necessity and difficulty of democratic civic education. The childcare teachers perceived the necessity of democratic civic education, and attributed the cause of the difficulties in democratic civic education to parents' attitudes. Second, there weren't significant differences in the teacher's factors on the content and methods of democratic civic education. Therefore, in this study, it is emphasized that democratic civic education is related to young children's homes and communities, and reorganization of democratic civic education programs based on development of young children is suggested.

• The Microorganisms and Industry
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.20-23
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• 1989

목재부후 민주름버섯류의 분류는 아직도 해결해야 할 문제점들이 많이 남아 있다. 그 이유는 민주름버섯류가 그만큼 특징들이 다양하고 형태는 유사하나 기원이 다른 이질적인 종류들로 구성되어 있기 때문이다. 민주름버섯류의 분류 대가인 Donk도 자신이 추구한 분류체계에 스스로 만족하지 못하고 후대의 학자들이 도전해야 할 문제점들을 자주 제시한 적이 있다. 이와 같은 현상은 민주름버섯류의 분류가 자연분류와 계통분류를 지향하여 보다 종합적인 방법으로 종의 개념에 접근할 필요가 있음을 시사한다. 이제 위에 언급한 영양생활, 형태, 배양, 또는 유전적인 특징외에 진화와 계통, 환경과 생태, 지리적 분포와 식생, 핵산구조와 분자계통분류 등과 같은 과제들을 아울러 다룰 수 있는 포괄적인 분류체제의 대두가 요청되고 있다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.