This paper examines the effects of focus types on case ellipsis in Korean. A number of previous studies have suggested that accusative case markers in Korean and Japanese cannot be dropped when the object they mark is contrastively focused (Masunaga, 1988; Yatabe, 1999; Ko, 2000; Lee, 2002). Using experimental evidence, we argue against the view that case ellipsis in Korean is sensitive to the distinction between contrastive vs. non-contrastive focus. An alternative analysis is proposed which accounts for the phenomenon of variable case marking in terms of the interaction between the contrastive strength and the discourse accessibility of focused object NPs. By viewing patterns of case ellipsis as the result of balancing between these two forces, such an analysis can correctly predict the gradient pattern of case ellipsis shown by the three types of focused objects tested in the experiment (contrastive replacing focus, contrastive selecting focus and non-contrastive, informational focus), while at the same time offering an explanation for why subtypes of focus exert distinct influences on case ellipsis.

This paper reviews the analysis of the so-called Korean NPIs, amu-(N)-to and amu-(N)-rato, proposed by An (2007). An proposes that the two so-called polarity items are identical semantically, tantamount to English even, but they are in complementary distribution due to the opposite scope properties of the emphatic particles to and rato contained in the NPIs in question. Resorting to Karttunen and Peters' (1979) and Wilkinson's (1996) scope analysis of even, Lahiri's (1998) analysis of Hindi NPIs, and Guerzoni's (2002) analysis of the negative bias of yes/no-questions containing minimizers, An accounts for the distributional properties of the two Korean NPIs. Given this, however, it is observed that unlike amu-(N)-to, amu-(N)-rato could be licensed in much broader contexts. Based on this observation, this paper proposes that the two particles to and rato are two different particles with different meanings.

English absolutes and free adjuncts, despite their abridged syntactic forms, function as full subordinating adverbial clauses, with their semantic roles varied according to the interpretation of the matrix clauses. This paper investigates how to represent the syntactic structures and semantic variability of absolutes and free adjuncts in a unified way, accounting for overlapping properties among various subtypes of the constructions on the one hand, and differences on the other. In the proposed analysis, the clausal properties of absolutes and free adjuncts are captured by the subject selecting property and the clausal meaning associated with a predicative phrase, thus not calling for a null verb or complementizer. In classifying and defining diverse subtypes of the constructions via type constraints, the present work also provides an account of different uses of with involved in absolutes and free adjuncts.

This paper examines a condition that licenses distributivity. Choe (1987) and Link (1998) have proposed an indefiniteness condition on distributivity. However, detecting counter-examples, Zimmermann (2002) has argued for a non-specificity condition. This paper primarily revises the indefiniteness/non-specificity condition. Observing that the systematic class of the exceptions belongs to weak definites proposed by Poesio (1994), I claim that the property that constrains distributivity is non-strong-definiteness. Based on Landman (2000), I further explain the non-strong-definiteness condition and argue that the condition does not need to be imposed on the grammar independently. The new condition naturally accounts for Spector's (2003) scopal asymmetry. Even more, defining donkey pronouns as weak definites, I cope with various properties of donkey sentences.

This study aims at establishing a markup system for 17-19th century culinary manuscripts. To achieve this aim, we, in section 2, look into various theoretical considerations regarding encoding large-scale historical corpora. In section 3, we identify and analyze the characteristics of textual theme and structure of our source text. Section 4 proposes a markup scheme based on the XML standard for bibliographical and structural markups for the corpus as well as the grammatical annotations. We show that it is highly desirable to use XML-based markup system since it is extremely powerful and flexible in its expressiveness and scalable. The markup scheme we suggest is a modified and extended version of the TEI-P5 to accommodate the textual and linguistic characteristics of premodern Korean culinary manuscripts.

We examine the meanings of two plural forms in Korean. Kwak (2003) and Jun (2004) claimed that unmarked (i.e. zero) plural forms denote groups and 'deul' plural forms denote sums, and Kang (2007) indicated problems in such claims. Soon after, Jun (2007) raised an objection to Kang's view by slightly modifying his former analysis, and now this paper is a reply to Jun (2007). Jun's revision of his former view is one step forward but still it is faced with many authentic counter examples. In the mean time, Noh (2008) raised an objection to Kang (2007) from a totally different direction, claiming that unmarked forms are not plural but only singular. This position is not sound, either. We have so many cases where unmarked forms are used with plural interpretation. All in all, our view that unmarked forms denote singular as well plural individuals(sums, groups) and 'deul' forms denote only plural individuals(sums, groups) is to be maintained.