• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.47-78
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• 2021

This study was written to examine the acceptance of pansori in movies based on pansori, and to explore changes in modern society's perception and expectations of pansori. A pansori is getting the love of the upper and lower castes in the late Joseon period, but loses the status at the time of the Japanese colonial rule and Korean War. In response, the country designated pansori as an important intangible cultural asset in 1964 to protect the disappearance of pansori. Until the 1980s, however, pansori did not gain popularity by itself. After the 2000s, Pansori tried to breathe in with the contemporary public due to the socio-cultural demand to globalize our culture. And now Pansori is one of the most popular cultures in the world today, as the pop band Feel the Rhythm of KOREA shows. The changing public perception of pansori and its status in modern society can also be seen in the mass media called movies. This study explored the process of this change with six films based on pansori, from "Seopyeonje" directed by Lim Kwon-taek in 1993 to the film "The Singer" in 2020. First, the films "Seopyeonje" and "Hwimori" were produced in the 1990s. Both of these films show the reality of pansori, which has fallen out of public interest due to the crisis of transmission in the early and mid-20th century. And in the midst of that, he captured the scene of a singer struggling fiercely for the artistic completion of Pansori itself. Next, look at the film "Lineage of the Voice" in 2008 and "DURESORI: The Voice of East" in 2012. These two films depict the growth of children who perform art, featuring contemporary children who play pansori and Korean traditional music. Pansori in these films is no longer an old piece of music, nor is it a sublime art that is completed in harsh training. It is only naturally treated as one of the contemporary arts. Finally, "The Sound of a Flower" in 2015 and "The Singer" in 2020. The two films constructed a story from Pansori's history based on the time background of the film during the late Joseon Dynasty, when Pansori was loved the most by the people. This reflects the atmosphere of the times when traditions are used as the subject of cultural content, and shows the changed public perception of pansori and the status of pansori.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.72-92
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• 2023

As described above, the location of Jagiso eunchon in Goheung-hyeon and the nature of Undae-ri kiln site were examined. Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency was moved to Joyang-hyeon, which is now Joseong-myeon, Boseong-gun in 1395. Therefore, Goheung-hyeon Jagiso Eunchon in Sejongsillok Jiriji corresponding to 1424~1432 should be found in the west of Joseong-myeon, Boseong, where the administrative agency was moved in 1395. Among the four boundaries of Goheung-hyeon recorded in the 『Sejongsillok』 Jiriji, it is recorded as 2-ri by the sea in the south and 8-ri by Nakan in the east. If the current Goheung-hyeon is Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency in the Sejongsillok Jiriji Records Compilation Period, it cannot be the boundary the south and east mentioned above. This is because it cannot be 2-ri from the current Goheung-eup to the sea in the south, and Nakan is close to the north, not the east, as recorded. However, it has already been suggested that Joyanghyeonseong(朝陽縣城), located in Gonae Village, Ucheon-ri, Josung-myeon, Boseonggun is an Goheunghyeon's administrative agency. And if the four-way boundary of Goheung-hyeon was converted into the current distance unit based on this place(Joyanghyeonseong, 朝陽縣城), an approximate result could be obtained even if it did not exactly match. Therefore, it is highly likely that Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency, which was moved to Joyang-hyeon, Boseong in 1395, is Gonae Village, Ucheon-ri, JoSeong-myeon, Boseong. Jagiso eunchon(犾村) in Goheung-hyeon can be interpreted as a "dog-shouting village." It is thought to be a meaning structure of "animal + sound". A place name thought to have the same structure was identified in Jeongheung-ri, west of Ucheon-ri, Joseongmyeon, Boseong. It is the name of a village called Hoeum-dong(虎吟洞), and it is interpreted as the sound of a tiger or the bark of a tiger, which is the same as the meaning structure of Eunchon. However, there is Gaesan Village in the south of Hoeum-dong, and a Buncheong ware kiln site was identified around it. At this kiln site, a fragment of carved Buncheong ware engraved with the character "Eon", which corresponds to the right stroke of the character "Seom (贍)" in the name "Naeseom (內贍)" was identified. A small amount of Buncheong ware and Joseon celadon pieces were also identified. It can be seen that the Buncheong ware paid to the government was made by checking the Buncheong ware with the government name engraved on it. On the west side of Joyanghyeonseong Fortress in Ucheon-ri, joseong-myeon, Boseong, which was the administrative agency of Goheung-hyeon and the area around the Gaesan Buncheong ware kiln site in Jeongheung-ri, where the Buncheong ware paid to the government was, is thought to be Jagiso Eunchon, Goheung-hyeon. Jagiso and Dogiso are located in the four directions based on the administrative agency. Naturally, the location of Jagiso and Dogiso is also determined on where the administrative agency of Hyeon is. Since the Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency in the early Joseon Dynasty was moved to Ucheon-ri, joseong-myeon, Boseong-myeon, it is necessary to naturally find Jagiso and Dogiso in Boseong. In addition, regarding the nature of the kiln site in Undae-ri, the aspects of the excavated relics were considered. As a result, it is believed that the Undae-ri kiln site functioned as a jagiso in Heungyang-hyeon from February 1441 to the 1470s. If so, the "Ye" Buncheong ware, which was collected around Undae-ri kiln No. 7, could be naturally understood.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.1-34
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• 2020

It has been suggested that Jeungsan's prophetic poem that starts with the verse "For about seven or eight years, there will be a castle in the ancient country [七八年間古國城] ⋯" originally comes from Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄). Despite Jeungsan, himself, obviously having been critical of that text, this claim has become the basic grounds for discourse suggesting that Jeungsan was not only interested in Prophecies of Jeong Gam but also considerably influenced by the text. However, the claim itself was formulated due to misunderstandings of the Chinese poems that had been included in A Compilation of Secret Prophecies Hidden in the Family-clan of Seogye (西溪家臧訣). These poems pursue a different ideological orientation than the poem from Prophecies of Jeong Gam. Ultimately, the Chinese poem in the verse 84 the chapter titled, Prophetic Elucidations in The Canonical Scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe cannot provide a basis for the claim that Jeungsan was strongly influenced by Prophecies of Jeong Gam. This claim that Prophecies of Jeong Gam made a deep impact on Jeungsan and Daesoon Thought was based on three other texts outside of those that appear within verse 84 of Prophetic Elucidations. The first supposedly-related line is: "Heaven opens at the period of the Rat (Ja 子), Earth opens at the period of the Ox (Chuk 丑), humankind starts at the period of the Tiger (Ihn 寅)." This line comes from from Shao Kangjie's Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles (皇極經世), and the line could be quoted idiomatically as an expression in the Joseon Dynasty. Accordingly, attempts to relate Daesoon Thought to Prophecies of Jeong Gam are a distortion that arise from the assumption that Jeungsan had a significant interest in Prophecies of Jeong Gam. The second related line is "At the foot of Mount Mother (母岳山), a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山下 金佛能言]." That line is nearly identical to the verse "On the summit of Mount Mother, a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山頭 金佛能言]." Yet, Jeungsan changed '頭 (du, the summit)' to '下 (ha, the foot or under)' and express his own unique religious prophecy. This allusion to the prophecies of Jeong Gam is actually a criticism designed to disprove the earlier prophecy. Third, is the verse, "The form of Buddhism, creation of daoism, and propriety of Confucianism [佛之形體仙之造化儒之凡節]," which is characteristically related to Daesoon Thought. This verse can only be found in the prophetic text, Prophecies of Chochang (蕉蒼訣), and it is provided a main source when alleging that Prophecies of Jeong Gam was an influence on Daesoon Thought. However, considering the context of Prophecies of Chochang and the year of its publication (it is assumed to be compiled after 1950s), this does not hold water as Jeungsan had already passed into Heaven several decades before that time. This disqualifies the verse from being a basis for asserting Prophecies of Jeong Gam as an influence on Daesoon Thought. Contrary to the original assertion, there is a considerable amount of evidence that Prophecies of Chochang absorbed aspects of Daesoon Thought, which were simply revised in a novel way. There is no truly compelling evidence underpinning the argument that Prophecies of Jeong Gam had a unilateral impact on Daesoon Thought. There seems to be a great deal of confusion and numerous misinterpretations on this matter. Therefore, the claim that Daesoon Thought, as developed by Jeungsan, was influenced by the discourse on dynastic revolution and feng shui contained in Prophecies of Jeong Gam should be re-examined at the level of its very premise.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.14
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• pp.413-429
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• 2007

The Guard over the royal household in the "Goryeo" era was the same as if was over the President or Ruler of a nation today. In those days, a king represented a nation and any threat to the safety of a king could bring the destruction of a nation and the dispersion of the people. by reviewing the change of the 2-Gun 6-Wi system of the era, it can be, summed up as follow, Ther will be suggestions. The Guard might focus on a king's personal safety in the wake of the system of the Silla and Taebong dynasties until the establishment of the Goryeo Dynasty's unique political system. "Goryeo" rebuilt the royal palace in Gyeonyeong-gun to take the shape of unified country after its accomplishment of unification of the late three countries, Then it was afraid of the rebellion and uprising of local powerful clans, The country put them under control and organized the local army with them in the era of Kings, Seongjong, through the kings, Seongjong and Gwangjong. The army system of "Goryeo" consisted of 2-Gun and 6-Wi, and 2-Gun placed above the 6-Wi played the role of the Royal guards, and among the organizations a certain army under the specific name of "Gyeonyong-gun" guarded the kings in the nearest position. An aristocratic culture enjoyed its golden age in the period of stability of the aristocracy of "Goryeo", but afterward in the confusion of the aristocratic disruption and incompatible confrontation the country lost its control, and faced military rebellions by treating civil officials well and ill-treating military officials The safety of kings become unstable with the grasping political power by the military officials, and "Dobang" was established in the era of Choi's family to grasp political power. In the era of Choi Woo, he gathered his men and organized his familys army with them and managed the personnel administration with the civil officials of "Jeongbang and Seobang under his command. Such a fact shows the similarity to today's task of guarding. Considering the facts that "Sambyeolcho, the military ground of the military-men-rule, was at the center of the struggling against Mongolia and that even after the fall of the military regime, they rebelled and fought against Mongolia to the end, we came to know that the nationalism in the era of the military era was great. In the transition of external situations from "Myeong" to "Won"(Chinese dynasties), the conflict between the old "Won"-friendly power and the new "Myeong"-friendly power caused the weakness of the power to guard the royal household, and "Goryeo" at last gave way to the newly rising "Joseon" led by Lee, Seong Gye who won the people's confidence.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.415-440
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• 2018

On September 23, 2015, the Ministry of Education announced the 2015 revision of educational curriculum which aimed at 'cultivating creative talents' based on the Article 23, Section 2 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Law. As a result, music curriculum have also been partially revised, which seems to maintain the 2009 revision of music curriculum. Although Jeongganbo 井間譜 is already exposed in the music curriculum for the third and forth grades of elementary school, the learning content about how to read Jeongganbo and how to express the pitch and length of sound including the origin of its name and the background of its invention are dealt with specifically in the fifth and sixth grades. Jeongganbo is known as the oldest mensural notation in the Orient created by King Sejong of the Joseon Dynasty in the middle of the $15^{th}$ century, and it was used for the first time in Sejong sillok akbo 世宗實錄樂譜 (Scores in the Annals of King Sejong), the oldest musical score still in existence. However, in the music textbooks as well as the most of specialized books related to the Korean traditional music, it is uncritically accepted without providing clear grounds that Sejong invented Jeongganbo himself. If so, it is necessary to investigate on which grounds it is claimed that Sejong invented Jeongganbo. This paper first examined the grounds of the proposition that "Sejong invented Jeongganbo," which is introduced in the music textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades of elementary school, by separating it into Sejong's creation of Sinak 新樂 (new music), Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo and Sejong's invention of Hangeul. Next, this paper examined how the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo has been described in the textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades in elementary school based on the 2009 revision of music curriculum, and suggested the direction of a desirable music education by pointing out the related problems. According to historical records and circumstances such as Sejong's creation of Sinak, Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo with 16 Jeonggan (square) in one vertical line, Sejong's invention of Hangeul and so on, it seems to be the most reasonable that Sejong is the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo as of now. However, the attitude of the musical academy to accept and educate the unclear thing as if it is a fact does not seem desirable. Therefore, I suggest that it should be described "Jeongganbo was invented in the period of Sejong" or "it is supposed that Jeongganbo was invented by Sejong" rather than presenting "Sejong made Jeongganbo" or "created" until revealing the clear evidence about the subject of Jeongganbo.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.280-301
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• 2021

Chogak has been regarded as originating from the paintings decorating building elements. Various curved shape drawings that were first seen in the paintings of Goguryeo tomb murals evolved into the vine patterned Dancheong of Geuklakjeon in Bongjeongsa. Cheomcha of Geuklakjeon was chiseled with Yeonhwadusik relievo at the bottom on top of Dancheong, and this was the beginning of Cheomcha-Chogak. Also, Cheomcha, which was carved with a preliminary vine patterned Chogak in Daeungjeon in Bongjeongsa, opened the era of engraving Chogak directly on the surface of structural elements. Since then, vine patterned Chogak was a significant decoration technique for the Cheomcha of traditional wooden construction for a long time. Because Jeongjagak is a structure that was continuously built between the end of the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 and the late Joseon Dynasty, the transition of Cheomcha-Chogak over time can be seen through Jeongjagak architecture. The early Cheomcha-Chogak presents stems that climb up (Upbound-type) towards the headpiece on a column, while stems of Chogak later reversed direction to descend (Downbound-type) from the headpiece. This study examined the transition process and reasons for the change, with a focus on the findings above, and identified a new type of Chogak that is unrelated to the direction type and was adopted during the transition from Upbound-type to Downbound-type. The new type appeared when the Jeongjagaks for the Royal Tomb of Kyeongjo and those of the Injo were built, and it matches with the transitional period wherein lotus vanishes from Hwaban-Chogak. The study also inferred that the direction change of Cheomcha-Chogak stems was caused by the separation of vine patterned Chogak, carved with a two-stepped inner Ikgon, into both upward and downward from the headpiece, and this led to the changes that manifested as the inside of Choikgong being the Downbound-type Chogak and the variegated vine patterned Chogak of Choikgong affecting the direction of Cheomcha-Chogak. This is the follow-up study of "A Study on the Hwaban-Chogak of the Neungwon-Jeongjagak," a paper published in 2018, and is limited in n that Cheomcha, the focus of the research, is just one of the construction elements of Jeongjagak. The entirety ofChogak cannot be understood only by observing Cheomcha.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.63-131
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• 2022

In the context of Daesoon Jinrihoe's The Canonical Scripture, 'Saving Lives' consists of one 44 verse-long chapter. The content covers Kang Jeungsan's authority and foreknowledge, and most of the passages are about the treatment of diseases. Other passages are about relief from natural disasters, the resolution of conflicts in personnel affairs, and wisdom as applied to saving lives. The treatment of diseases focuses on solving the ailments faced by lower classes during that time period. Kang Jeungsan relieved the damage suffered by the people from natural phenomena as caused by the three disasters which resulted from water, fire, and wind. He also worked to solve other difficulties experienced in human society. In addition, the definition of 'wisdom' here is one of being high-seeing and far-thinking in Saving Lives. That is the foundation upon which wisdom can save oneself and others. After comparing each chapter of The Canonical Scripture with the parallel verses from the 6th edition of Daesoon Jeongyeong, the results of this study can be summarized as follows: first, saving lives as performed by Kang Jeungsan became an unprecedented and absolute act of relieving the common people during a time when they were suffering from great harms, hardships, and difficulties in their daily lives during the late Joseon Dynasty. Second, the verses were distributed into seven parts to achieve the purpose indicated by the titles of each section which related to specific powers exhibited by Kang Jeungsan in his interactions with Heaven, Earth and Humanity. Third, the second chapter of 'Saving Lives' includes not only treatment of disease, natural disasters, and hardships, but also relief meant to lessen the burdens people experienced in their daily lives while living within the boundaries of society. This is different from the respective section from the 6th edition of Daesoon Jeongyeong which, by way of contrast, only contained verses concerning the treatment of disease. The contents of 'Saving Lives' in The Canonical Scripture deals with the relief in a wide range of applications and is thereby different from the chapter on healing from the Daesoon Jeongyeong, which merely dealt with the healing of diseases. Therefore, this broader range of meanings can be taken to be a unique feature of The Canonical Scripture.