• Title/Summary/Keyword: the Japanese government-general of Korea

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A study on the process of spatial reduction of cotton culture in Korea since 1945 (해방 이후 우리나라 면작농업 소멸의 지역적 전개과정)

  • ;Kim, Kihyuk
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.29 no.3
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    • pp.318-339
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    • 1994
  • U.S. had given large amount of cotton to Korea as food aid program since 1945. This cotton aid had negative impact on cotton culture in Korean agriculture. Korean government used counterparts funds (sale proceeds of food aid) not for investment to agriculture sector, but for military budgets. And food aid on program type had influenced general economic policies, which neglected agricultural sector too. Anti-agricultural policy which was helped by U.S. food aid, had caused cotton cultivator an economic loss. So this economic loss had made many farmers abandon cotton culture. But in our times, cotton is cultivated for the purpose of domestic consumption in a few rural villages. The purposes of this study are 1) to analyze the process of spatial reduction of cotton culture since 1945 in regional contexts in Korea, and 2) to identify the function and meaning of cotton culture which does not pay off in agricultural region. Materials for acreage of cotton culture are acquired through the agricultural statistical year book(1952-1989) and census. To clarify the meanings of cotton culture, field survey are conducted in a rural village which is identified as only one where cotton was cultivated in 1993. In these contexts, this study has come to the following conclusions. In the period of under the rule of Japanese Imperialism (1910-1945), G. arboreum, species of cotton which was traditionally cultivated since 1364, had been driven out. And G. hirustun species, which is suitable for the production of highly qualified textile, has been hierarchically diffused by policy. In these period, regional structure of Korean agriculture was reorganized for the provision with food to Japan. Crops leading this dependent spatial structure were rice and cotton. So agricultural region, specialized with cotton, were distributed in the hinterland of the area which is specialized with rice. U.S. cotton aid to Korea began in 1947. U.S. took an interest in agricultural export because of her domestic surplus of cotton. Cotton aid is one mechanism by which U.S government developed agricultural market in recipient countries, Specially in the exchange rates, up-valuation of won to the U.S. dollars made domestic cotton more expensive than cotton imported, Production cost of domestic cotton is higher than Government's purchasing price of cotton which was also more expensive than price of cotton imported. Korean farmer could not help abandoning the cultivation of cotton, and this gave rise to spatial reduction of cotton culture. Spatially, cotton culture was abandoned in early stage of reduction in regions where stand at a disadvantage climatically, and in next stage in regions where other up-land crops which paid off in urban market, eg, fruits, could be cultivated. In the stage of extinction, cotton was cultivated only in area where G. hirustun species was originated in Korean peninsula. This region is not only suitable climatically for cotton culture, but is far away from urban market. Use of cotton produced is not for spinning, but for fillings of comforter. The main purpose of cotton culture in rural village is not for cotton yields, but for increase of production of seasame, which is grown together with cotton as mixed crops. Cotton product are used for domestic consumption and sold out to gin house. Though cotton culture is not paid off, farmer wanted to cultivate continuously for the cultural purpose, and they wanted the cotton culture promotion policy with the goverment subsidy.

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A Study on the Transitions and Site of temporary palace(Onyanghaenggung) according to the <Oncheonhaenggungdo>(1795) (<온천행궁도(溫泉行宮圖)>(1795)의 온양행궁지 추정 및 온양행궁 변천 고찰)

  • LEE Jeongsoo;KIM Ilhwan;LEE Kyeongmi;JI Wonku;CHOI Jaeseong
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.4
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    • pp.94-108
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    • 2023
  • Onyanghaenggung Palace(temporary palace at Onyang) is an important cultural heritage that can substantially confirm the king's onhaeng(溫行) base on literature records such as <Ongungyeonggoedae(溫宮靈槐臺)>, <Oncheonhaenggungdo(溫泉行宮圖)> of 『Ongungsasil(溫宮事實)』『, Younggoedaegi(靈槐臺記)』and cultural property such as Yeonggoedae(靈槐臺) and Shinjeong Monument(神井碑). As the Onyang Tourist Hotel is located in the presumed site of the Onyanghaenggung Palace, even the identity of the Onyanghaenggung Palace site is being threatened without restoration efforts. The purpose of this study is to estimate the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace based on <Oncheonhaenggungdo> before the damages during the Japanese colonial period. To achieve these purposes, records related to Onhaeng during successive kings' terms in the Joseon Dynasty are first reviewed, before changes in the architecture of Onyanghaenggung Palace that took place in the Joseon Dynasty and damage suffered during the Japanese colonial period are summarized, and finally <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, <Eupji>, <Ancient Maps>, <Jijeokwondo> are reviewed. Based on these processes, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace is estimated by comparing the current Onyang Tourist Hotel and the surrounding area. The results of this study are as follows. First, if the 1,758 cheok(尺) of 「Onyanggun eupji」 and 「Hoseo eupji」 are converted in Jucheok(周尺), the scope of Onyanghaenggung Palace is close to the inner circumference of the site(垈) in Jijeokwondo(1914). Second, the streamlet leading to Oncheoncheon(溫泉川) from the southern side of Onyanggwan(溫陽館), the hot spring hole in use of <Distribution Map of Hot Spring(溫泉分布見取圖)>(1925, 1928), and considering the relationship of the inner east gate(內東門), Bigak(碑閣), Sinjeong(神井) of <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, the building of Hermann Gustav Theodor Sander and the Copyright Commission's Onyang Hot Springs photograph can be estimated as the Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot-spring, namely Tangsil(湯室). Third, in the process of developing to amusement park, the transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae site(a governmentowned property) was requested by Gyeongnam Railway Company, but Chungcheongnam-do denied transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae because of the importance in the history of Onyang Hot Springs, so the government-owned Yeonggaedae Monument site were permanently preserved at the current location together with the hoe tree(Sophora japonica L.). Also, Yeonggoedae in <Tourists Attractions around Gyeongnam Railway in Joseon (朝鮮京南鐵道沿線名所交通図絵)> (1929) is shown to exist in its current location, and it can be seen that the Shinjeong Monument Pavilion was moved to the front of Shinjeonggwan (神井館). Based on the circumference of Onyanghaenggung Palace, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot Spring (Tangsil) and Yeonggaedae Monument Pavilion, changes in roads and lots of land during the Japanese colonial period and the modern period, as well as the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace and other major buildings, can be estimated to extend to the current Shimin-ro and Onyang Hot Spring Market.

The Establishment and Merger of the Head Office Banks during the Colonial Period: Three Banks in Busan (식민지기 본점은행의 설립과 해체: 부산 3행의 경우)

  • Kim, Ho-Beom;Kim, Dae-Rae;Kim, Su-Jin
    • Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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    • v.12 no.4
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    • pp.681-701
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    • 2009
  • There were three banks that had the head office in Busan since 1912, Gyong-Nam Bank, Dong-Rae Bank and Busan Commercial Bank. This article tries to catch hold of the characteristics of the establishment and management, and the merging process of three banks. The main stockholders and managers made use of the money of the banks for the enterprises that they operated. Gyong-Nam Bank was combined with Dae-Gu Bank in 1928 to be Dae-Gu Commercial & Industrial Bank. The revised bank ordinance of 1928 regulated that the head office banks had to meet the requirement of the paid-in capital, 2 million yen. Not meeting such an excessive requirement, Dong-Rae Bank was amalgamated to Ho-Nam Bank of Gwang-Ju in 1933. Busan Commercial Bank was absorbed in Cho-Sun Commercial Bank in 1935 because it couldn't get back huge loan from a company which belonged to its three main stockholders. Japanese were already the main stockholders of Cho-Sun Commercial Bank from the beginning of 1920s. The banking agencies were not able to deal with the economic fluctuations effectively, and didn't have any economic organization in support of their profit. Cho-Sun Government-General forced the head office banks to be merged to control the colonial economy.

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The theory of lesson plannig and the instructional structuration : A case study for urban units in Japanese high school (수업설계론과 수업구조화 - 일본 고등학교 도시단원을 사례로 -)

  • ;Sim, Kwang Taek
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.166-182
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    • 1994
  • Kyonggi Province in the late Chosun dynasty was a center of superior government offices including 'Han' River water-road transportation and was located in the middle of an 'X'-shaped arterial road network. Because of these reasons, Kyonggi Province had a faster inflow of commodities, informations and technics compared with the other province. At this period of time, every local 'Eup' (name of administrative district) had not been affected by their above administrative districts and had their own autonomy. For this reason, every 'Eup' could be developed as a town, even if its size was small when it had sufficient internal growing conditions. Moreover, the markets ('Si-Jon') in big towns and periodical markets which were spread over the Kyonggi Province played role of commercial functions of town. And because military bases for the defence of the royal capital in Kyonggi Province also took parts of a non-agricultural city role, Xyonggi Provinc had much more possibilities of growing as a town rather than the other provinces. The towns of the late Chosun Dynasty were, except the capital and superior administrative districts which were governed by the 'You-Su', small towns which had only about 3, 000-5, 000 people. Most of the town dewellers were local officials, nobles, merchants, craftmen and slaves. And the farmers who lived near town became a pseudo-towner through suburb agriculture. Among these people, the merchants were leaders of townization. The downtowns were affected by the landform and traffic roads. The most fundamental function of towns were administrative. The opcial's grade, which was dispatched to the local administrative district ('Kun' or 'Hyun'), was decided by the size of population and agricultural land of each county. Large county which was governed by a high ranking opcial had more possibilities to develop as a large town. Because they supervised other opcials of lower rank and obtained more land and population for the town. The phonomena of farm abandonment after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592-1598 stimulated the development of towns for commercial function. The commercial functions of towns were evident in the Si-Jon or Nan-Jon (names of markets) in the big cities such as Hansung and Kaesung, meanffwhile in the local areas it was emerged in the shape of periodical market networks as allied with near markets (which were called as Jang-Si) or permanent markets which were grown up from periodical markets. These facts of commercial development induced the birth of commercial town. Kyonggi Province showed the weak points of its defense system during both wars (Japanese Invasion in 1592 and Manchu's Invasion in 1636). The government reinforced its defense system by adding 4 'You-Su-Bus' and several military bases. Each local districts ('Eup'), where Geo-Jins were established, were stimulated to be a town while Jin-Kwan system were, adjusted and enforced. Among Dok-Jins(name of solitary military bases), Youngjongjin was grown up as a large garrison town which only played a role of defense. The number of towns that took roles of non-agricultural functions in Kyonggi Province was 52. Among these towns, 29 were developed as big towns which had above 3, 000 people and most of these towns were located on the northwest-southeast axes of 'X'-shaped arterial trafic network in the Chosn Dynasty, This fact points out that the traffic road is one of the important causes of the development of towns. When we make hierarchy of the towns of Kyonggi Province according to its population and how many functions it had, we can make it as 6 grades. The virst grade town 'Hansung' was the biggest central town of administration, commerce and defdnse. The 2nd grade town includes 'Kaesung' which had historical inertia that it had been the capital of the Koryo Dynesty. The 3rd grade towns include some 'You- Su-Bus' such as Soowon, Kanghwa, Kwangju and also include Mapo, Yongsan and from this we can imagine that the commercial development in the late Chosun Dynasty extremely affected the townization. The 4th-6th grade towns had smiliar population but it can be discriminated by how many town functions it had. So the 4th grade towns were the core of administration, commerce and defense function. 5th grade towns had administrative functions and one of commercial and defense functions. 6th grade towns had only one of these functions. When we research and town conditions of each grades as the ratio of non-agricultural population, we can find out that the towns from the 1st grade to 4th grade show difference by degree of townization but from the 4th grade to 6th grade towns do not show big difference in general.

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A Study on the Typical Characteristics and Conservation Plan of Roadscape as a Modern Asset - Case Study of Yeongdo-gu, Busan - (근대 자산으로서 길에서 보는 경관의 유형적 특성과 경관 보전 방안에 관한 연구 - 영도구를 사례로 -)

  • Kim, Seong-Wan;Kang, Young-Jo
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.46 no.6
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    • pp.97-110
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    • 2018
  • This study examined the value of the old roads and roadscapes as modern assets. Topographic maps of the two years (1916 and 1919, which were produced by the Japanese Government-General of Korea) and the digital topographic map produced in 2017, were analyzed. The total amount of roads that have survived for the past 100 years are located in 108 places and total 26.32km. After examining the remnants of the roads in YeongDo, the type of scenery experienced along the roads were classified into nine kinds. The place where a sequential scenery experience takes place due to the survival of the past, the experience is based on the transition of historical scenery, not the scenery of the present time. A new model that can preserve, manage and plan this scenery is required. Therefore, we propose a new landscape model that elevates the concept of gaze from a spatial concept to a spatiotemporal concept. Based on this model, we propose a conservation criterion of the landscape viewed on the road as a viewpoint. As a modern asset for the next 100 years of YeongDo, it is necessary to understand and preserve the meaning of the landscape and roadside scenery as a transit landscape network. The remnant of roads from 100 years ago suggests that the scenery on the road was has been maintained, and it is the historical landscape of the YeongDo area. Through the landscape conservation plan proposed in this study, it is expected that the historical roads and their landscape will be positioned as a modern asset and an aspect of local heritage, and the future conservation and management of the roads and roadscapes will continue.

A Study on the Improvement Measures for Training of Special Security Guard (특수경비원 교육훈련의 개선방안에 관한 연구)

  • Choi, Eun-Ha;Yoo, Young-Jae;Lee, Sang-Bin
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.16
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    • pp.357-371
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    • 2008
  • Currently, the security operations in nation's key foundations in Korea are performed by private police and special security guard in accordance with the Private Police Act and Security Business Act, respectively. In 1960s, The Korean Government introduced the private police system in terms of the national security issues, but it was just a hurriedly-set plan on the basis of Japanese Sunsa system as by that time there was no such system revitalized. However, the special security guards could offer wider range of security services including those of the private police with the enactment and revision of the Security Business Act 1976 and April 2001, respectively. Moreover, the expectations and interests rose over the special security guards in nation's key foundations after 9.11Terror Event in the U. S. 2001. However, as we investigated the current education/training system for the special security guard, we found that such education/training which is not activating the specialty of special security guard will not respond to the social demands. Special security guard owns its own characteristics other than those of general security guard as they are in service in nation's key foundations. Thus, the effcient management and training for the special security guard is the most important matter for the safety and security of nation's key foundations. Therefore, the well-educated special security guard through the reorganized and specialized education/training for the protection of nation's key foundations is expected to offer qualitatively improved security services.

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Development and Content Characteristics of Cartoons in the 1910s: focusing on cartoons published in Maeilsinbo (1910년대 만화의 전개와 내용적 특질: 『매일신보』 게재 만화를 중심으로)

  • Seo, Eun-Young
    • Cartoon and Animation Studies
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    • s.30
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    • pp.139-168
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    • 2013
  • This article aims to explain the significance and value of cartoons in the 1910s which were largely passed unnoticed in the preceding cartoon studies by scrutinizing cartoons published in Maeilsinbo in the 1910s. Until now, Korean cartoons in the 1910s has been neglected just because it were published in Maeilsinbo. However, this writing analyzed cartoons in this period on the base of the fact that the cartoons in the 1910s printed in Maeilsinbo diversified the horizon of the Korean cartoon. Cartoons in Maeilsinbo functioned as a bridge connecting cartoons published in Daehanminbo in 1909 reputed as a root of Korean cartoon and 1920s, the time when satirical cartoons and comics started being printed in newspapers. The characteristics of Maeilsinbo as a bulletin of government general and periodical characteristics that the agent of popular culture begun to move reside as multi layers in the cartoons in the 1910s. In this article, the process and the development of how cartoons published in Maeilsinbo. As pleasure became important in everyday life in Korea, cartoons were able to earn a portion in the newspaper. In the beginning, modern cartoon style seemed vague, but as time goes by, its own style gradually settled. Cartoons in this period were not fixed in specific section but various kinds of cartoons were developed during the time since works of Korean as well as Japanese cartoonists and illustrators were published. Among them, representative cartoons in Maeilsinbo were analyzed in this article under three categories: first, cartoons represented 'Choseon-ness' through scenes of daily life and customs concurrently contained a view of anti-civilization/enlightenment; second, cartoons represented the accumulation of wealth as valid from the view point of public interest; last, cartoons divided Koreans who suffered from hardships of life in Kyungsung and Japanese in Jingogae in order to divide space. In conclusion, Maeilsinbo disciplined the colonized, Koreans, and exposed the discourse of the colonial power via cartoon.

Study on Radioactive Material Management Plan and Environmental Analysis of Water (II) Study of Management System in Water Environment of Japan (물 환경의 방사성 물질 관리 방안과 분석법에 관한 연구 (II) 일본의 물 환경 방사성물질 관리 체계에 대한 고찰)

  • Han, Seong-Gyu;Kim, Jung-Min
    • Journal of radiological science and technology
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    • v.38 no.3
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    • pp.305-313
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    • 2015
  • After Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster in 2011, study and maintenance of monitoring systems have been made at home and abroad. As concerns about radioactive contamination of water have increased in Korea, update of maintenance of managing radioactive materials in water is being made mainly by Ministry of Environment. In this study, we analysed current state of monitoring system modification in Japan, the country directly involved and neighboring country. According to the result, Japan modified the legislations first. Then Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) provides theoretical background of radiological monitoring. And Ministry of the Environment actually watches state of water pollution in public waters and underground water. Finally related agencies like local government are monitoring current state of radioactive contamination in water environment. By region, local monitoring stations share the investigation of the whole country. Also, additional monitoring is running around nuclear facilities. After Fukushima disaster, monitoring for area near Fukushima is added. Among the reference levels, management target value of drinking water and tap water is 10 Bq/kg, and those of public water and underground water are 1 Bq/L. Measuring intervals varied from every hour to once a year, regularly or irregularly depending on the investigation. The main measuring items are air dose rate, gross ${\alpha}$, gross ${\beta}$, ${\gamma}$ radionuclide, Cs-134, Cs-137, Sr-89, Sr-90, I-131, and so on. In comparison, regulations about general public water in Korea need to be modified, while those about area near nuclear facility and drinking water are organized well. In future, therefore, domestic system would be expected to be modified with making reference to the guidelines like WHO's one. As good case of applying international guideline to domestic environment, Japanese system could be a reference when general standard of radioactivity in public water is made in Korea.

A Study on Medium-Sized Enterprises of Japan (일본의 중견기업에 관한 연구 : 현황과 특징, 정책을 중심으로)

  • Kang, Cheol Gu;Kim, Hyun Sung;Kim, Hyun Chul
    • Korean small business review
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.209-223
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    • 2010
  • Korea's business is composed of a few large-sized enterprises (which can be abbreviated as LSE) and a majority of small-sized enterprises (SSE). Although there has been a growing recognition of the need for the development of medium-sized enterprises (MSE) which can serve as a link between SSE and LSE, as yet there has not yet been a consensus on the definition, characteristics and the function of the MSE in Korea. Nowadays, the world is being globalized, and Japan and China are in competition to ne a great economic power. While East Asia is experiencing rapid changes, promoting MSE which can secure flexibility and efficiency through covering up the limitation of LSE and SSE is needed in order to respond the global market which is being specialized. The features of MSE in Japan can be listed as follows. First, the MSE in Japan is developing the company through getting into niche markets which are hard for major companies to enter rather than developing markets in order to compete against major companies directly. While MSEs are endeavoring to build the business firmly in the domestic market, they can possess special and competitive technical skills through trials and errors; so that they can get a chance develop their business through independent business system rather than putting their effort to compete against major companies. Second, from the MSEs with competitive edge in the market, there are many contributions to the national exportation. Those MSEs produce in domestic and maintain the quality of high price products which need cutting-edge technology, while they relocate the low and middle priced goods to the country where manufacturing costs are low, so that they can maintain the price competitiveness. Third, the industrial structure in Japan is formed from dual structure between major companies and small sized companies. In other words, in Japan's industrial structure which are composed of subcontract structure, this dual structure has taken a major role of small sized companies' growth and manufacturing businesses' international competitive power. Forth, MSE in Japan adopt a strategy of putting their value on qualitative scale growth rather than quantitative scale growth. In this paper, the case of Japanese MSE is analyzed. Along with its long history of Industrialization, Japan has a corporate environment where the SSEs can develop as a MSE and later a LSE through a full-support system. Among its SSEs, there are a number of world class corporations equipped with a large domestic market, win-win cooperation with the LSEs and an independent technology development. It can also be observed that these SSEs develop into MSEs with sustainable growth potentials. This study will focus on the condition under which the MSEs of Japan have been developed, and how they have survived the competition between SSEs and LSEs. Through this study, this paper attempts to offer solutions to Korea's polarization between the SSE and LSE, while providing the basis for SSEs revitalization. In general, if both extremities phenomenon deepen between LSE and SSE, there are possible fears of occurring disutility in national economy by the monopolization of LSE. For that reason, enterprise group, which can make SSE or MSE compete LSE in some area and ease the monopoly and oligopoly problem, is needed. This awareness has been shared for ages long. Nevertheless, there is no legal definition for MSE in Japan, and there is no definition about the enterprise size or unified view of MSE between scholars, but it is defined differently by each of academical person or research institution and study meeting. For that reason, this paper will organize the definition of MSE in Japan, and then will propose the characteristics of the background which has made MSE secure competitiveness and sustainable growth in global market. This study focus on that because through this process, the positive change to the awareness of MSE can be proposed in Korea and to seek the policy direction for building institutional framework which can make SSE become MES. Through this way, the fundamentals for SSE to become MSE can be managed and some appropriate suggestions which will be able to make MSE enter the global market in the future can also be proposed. Due to these facts, this study is very important and well timed task. In a sense of this way, this study will examine the definition and role of MSE in Japan. after this examination, this study will deal with the status, special feature, and promotion policy for MSE. Through this analysis of MSE in Japan, the foundation which be able to set the desirable role model for MSE in Korea can be proposed. Also, the political implication which is needed to push ahead to contribute to creating employment and economic growth through sustainable growth of MSEs in economic system of Korea can be offered through this study. It has been found that Japan's MSE functions as an indispensable link among various industrial structures by holding a significant position in employment rate, production and value added. Although the MSEs took up less than 1% of the entire number of businesses with 2700 manufacturing firms and 7000 non-manufacturing firms, its employment ratios are about 15%, while taking about 25% of the manufacturing industry's exports. In industries such as machinery and electronics which is considered Japan's major industry, the MSEs showed a higher than average ratio of manufacturing exports and employment rate. It can be analyzed that behind Japan's advantageous industries, close and deeply knit MSEs exist. Although there are no clearly stated policies geared towards the MSEs by the Japanese government, various political measures exist such as the R&D Project and the inducement of cooperation between enterprises which gives room for MSEs to participate in the SSE policies. In relation to these findings, the following practical measures can be considered in order to revitalize Korea's MSEs: First, there is a need for a legal definition of MSE and the incentives to provide legal support for its growth. Second, if a law to support the MSEs is established, it could provide a powerful inducement for the SSE to grow as a MSE, rather than stay as a SSE. Third, there is a need for a strategy of MSEs to establish a stable base in the domestic market and then advance to the global market with the accumulated trial and error and competitiveness. Fourth, the SSE themselves need the spirit of entrepreneurship in order to make the leap to a MSE. Because if nothing is to be changed about the system on the firms that grew, and the parts of the past custom was left to be managed alone, confusion and absence of management can take place. No matter how much tax favors the government will give and no matter how much incentive there could be through the policies, there are limits for industries to higher the ability to propagate. And because of that it is a period where industries need their own innovative skills to reform their firms.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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