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Continuation and Rebirth: A Study on the Changing Mechanism of Customary Law - Based on the fieldwork on the main ethnic minority areas in South China (续造与重生:习惯法变迁机制研究 --基于南方主要少数民族聚居区的田野调查)

  • Chen, Hanfei
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.44-64
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    • 2017
  • From the field survey of the main ethnic minority areas in the south China, it is found that political, economic, cultural and natural environmental changes are the main reasons leading to the change of customary law. The power mechanism of the customary law change include the three aspects, such as the promotion of country elite, the dominance of grassroots government, and the daily demands of the villagers, which promote the change of customary law alone or together. Through the application of customary law, the country elites can adjust and refine the rules of customary law in order to make out the new customary law and promote its development. In the current pattern of rural governance, grassroots self-government is actually the "official supervision of people's autonomy". The executive power of the grassroots government often intervene the practice of customary law and other informal rules. This is another mechanism of customary law change. Customary law arises from the practice of the daily life of the villagers. If the villagers think that the norms of customary law cannot meet the actual needs of daily life practice, the customary law will be promoted in the form of collective consultation. This is the most important dynamic practice mechanism of customary law change. Transformation and abandonment are the two ways to change customary law. No matter what kind of change does not lead to the demise of the customary law system, the demise of the customary law is only an outdated result, which is made by the universality, nature and objectivity of customary law. The procedure of customary law change is the process of continuation and rebirth about customary law. The result of the change is to produce the new customary law of keeping pace with the times, and the customary law will be presented with new content and form after the change. The continuation of customary law means the inheritance of traditional customary law, but it is based on the transformation of traditional customary law. The rebirth of customary law means that the traditional customary law is completely discarded. But it will produce new customary law rules and be based on the needs of social life practice. Customary law occupies a pivotal position in the normative system and the national law cannot be replaced. The purpose of customary law change will let the customary rules better adapt to the development of modern society, adjust the social relations more reasonably and better meet people's needs of production and life, which is decided by the character of customary law.

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On the Problems of Iphakdosoel and Chunmyongdosoel, as the philosophical background of the Four-Seven Debate (사칠논쟁(四七論爭)의 연원과 문제의식 - 『입학도설(入學圖說)』과 「천명도설(天命圖說)」을 중심으로 -)

  • Jang, Sook-phil
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.32
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    • pp.129-158
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    • 2008
  • After Four-Seven debate in late 16C, Korean Neo-Confucian scholars had developed their theories on human nature and morality such as Insimdosimsoel (theories on the moral emotion and desire), Inmulsoengron(theories on human nature and animal nature), Mibalsimcheron(theories on the calm mind as the embodiment of morality). Confucian scholars had been active member of society since acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. They had the plans of social reforms on the basis of moral self cultivation from the elite Confucians to commoners. So the Confucian scholar took part in the foundation of new Confucian kingdom, the Joseon Dynasty(1392). Kwon gun(1352~1409), the famous Neo-Confucian scholar wrote Iphakdosoel(pictogram for beginer of Neo-Confucianism) which emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and that the mandate of heaven in human nature is identical with Li, the moral principle which the origin of the human intrinsic moral ability as the basis of unity with man and heaven. He thought that ethical life is identical with mandate of heaven, so he insisted all the member of society should follow Li, the moral principle which the origin of human morality and social goodness. Also he emphasized the morality was the intrinsic and most important value of human being. Therefore ethical life became essential part of self cultivation. Joeng Ji-un(1509~1561) wrote the Chunmyongdosoel (pictogram of mandate of Heaven), the start point of Four-Seven debate in mid 16C. Joeng followed Kwon's theoretical line. He emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and the human intrinsic moral ability. He wrote that the Four moral emotions arise from Li, the moral principle of mind, while Seven emotions arise from Ki, vital force of body. He insisted that human being should control Ki, the vital force to follow the Li, the moral principle of mind. This Korean Confucian scholars developed theories of morality and self cultivation. This theories not only show the philosophical speculation of Korean Confucian scholars but also show the social idealism and moral utopianism which grounded on the human morality. So they had trust in human morality which can guide human being into the right track to the good and peaceful society. These tendencies are main characteristics of Korean Neo-Confucianism which has seen from the begining of acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. Some modern philosophical criticism which insist the Korean Neo-Confucian theories such as Four-Senven theories was indulged in academic discussion are not only neglect the historical realty but also ignore the potential of Korean Neo-Confucian heritage.

A Multilevel Study on the Relationship between the Residential Distribution of High Class (Power Elites) and Smoking in Seoul (서울시 동별 상류계층(파워엘리트) 주거 분포와 흡연과의 관련성에 대한 다수준분석)

  • Kim, Chang-Seok;Yun, Sung-Cheol;Kim, Hye-Ryun;Khang, Young-Ho
    • Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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    • v.39 no.1
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    • pp.30-38
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    • 2006
  • Objectives: We examined whether the neighborhood socioeconomic position predicts the smoking rates after adjusting for individual socioeconomic position indicators. Methods: Data were obtained from the 2001 Seoul Health Indicators Survey. The neighborhood socioeconomic position was the residential distribution of the high class (power elites), as measured by the location quotients (LQ) for each administrative dong (district). A high LQ denotes a high neighborhood socioeconomic status. The individual socioeconomic position included education, occupation and income. Age-adjusted smoking rates according to the LQ level were computed with the direct method. The total number of subjects in this study (26,022 men and 28,007 women) was the reference. A multilevel logistic regression analysis was conducted with the individuals at the first level and the neighborhoods at the second level to estimate the odds ratios of smoking with 95% confidence intervals. Results: For men, the age-adjusted smoking rates increased with a decrease in the LQ. For women, the relationship between the age-adjusted smoking rate and the LQ was not clear. The odds of smoking for both genders were greater among those subjects with lower incomes and lower education. The manual occupational class had greater odds of smoking than the non-manual class for the males, while the odds ratio of smoking among females with a manual occupation tended to be lower than those females with a non-manual occupation. For the males, the LQ levels independently predicted smoking after adjustment for individual income. However, this relation between the LQ and smoking in males was explained by full adjustment for the individual socioeconomic position indicators (education, occupation and income). Conclusions: A low level of neighborhood socioeconomic position was associated with higher smoking rates among the men residing in Seoul. This association between the neighborhood socioeconomic position and smoking in men was explained by the individual socioeconomic position. Anti-smoking efforts to reduce geographical inequality in smoking should be directed at reducing the smoking rates between the individuals with different socioeconomic backgrounds in the metropolitan city of Seoul, South Korea.

Law, Communication and Politics : Yulgok's Thinking on Reform of Obnoxious Politics (법과 소통 그리고 정치 - 율곡의 폐정개혁론을 중심으로 -)

  • Choi, JinHong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.36
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    • pp.301-332
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    • 2009
  • The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.

Argovian Cantonal School in Aarau and Albert Einstein I (칸톤학교 아라우와 아인슈타인 I)

  • Chung, Byung Hoon
    • Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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    • v.39 no.2
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    • pp.233-248
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    • 2019
  • This study shows that the Argovian Cantonal School in Aarau, Switzerland, which Albert Einstein attended from 1895 to 1896, had been closely related to the ideological education controversy in German Gymnasium throughout the 19th century. Due to this controversy, Einstein hardly received a formal science education in Bavaria. Despite the lack of formal education in Germany, he had a habit of self-studying from an early age and continued with this practice all through his life. He had a hard time at the authoritarian school in Munich, but at the democratic school in Aarau, where freedom and autonomy were secured, he was able to achieve emotional stability. For a long time, the city Aarau prevailed as a location of tolerance and multi-culturalism, without religious, regional, and national discrimination. This was possible due to the influence of external and unrestricted social mobility, as well as the Enlightenment from France. As a result, this small public school was able to acquire a mass of qualified human resources from outside of Switzerland. As a consequence of the controversy regarding the educational ideology, the Cantonal School adopted practical thoughts and the Enlightenment that fit the spirit of the times. The school consisted of two independent educational organizations: the Gymnasium, where the 'neuhumanistsch' education for the elite training was conducted, and the 'Gewerbeschule', where a more realistic education system was set up to suit the citizen life. In particular, after 1835, the Gymnasium changed gradually from the pure humanistic education to the 'utraquistisch' ways by introducing practical subjects such as natural history. Thereafter, the Cantonal School became an institution that was able to achieve a genuine humanity, academic, and civic life education. Einstein, who attended the 'technische Abteilung' of the 'Gewerbeschule,' considered this school as a role model of an institution that realized true democracy, and that left an unforgettable impression on him.

An Analysis of Economic Evaluation and Spread Effects on the Establishment of Public Sports Facilities (공공스포츠시설 건립의 경제성 평가 및 파급효과 분석)

  • Kim, Jin-Kook;Jang, Won-Yong;Choi, Kyoung-Ho
    • Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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    • v.13 no.1
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    • pp.111-119
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    • 2019
  • The purpose of study was to evaluate the economic evaluation of Chuncheon curling stadium. In oder to estimate economic evaluation, benefit/cost ratio, net present value and internal rate of return were used. Additionally, in order to investigate the socio-economic spread effect, literature review and input-output analysis were used. The results of study were as follows. First, as a result of analyzing the demand for curling stadiums in Chuncheon, it was believed that the construction of the stadium will attract athletes from the Chuncheon region as well as athletes from Seoul, Incheon, Gyeonggi Province and North Chungcheong Province. Second, economic validity analysis showed that the initial investment did not make sense, but the players' training and competitions and the advantages of the potential experience of curling events for citizens in nearby areas, including Chuncheon, make the construction and operation reasonable. Third, as a result of the review of the social and policy validity of the curling stadium, the project to build a curling stadium in Chuncheon was secured with a policy validity as a public sports facility necessary for both professional and living athletes. Finally, the analysis of socio-economic spread effect of curling stadiums had shown that it would have a positive effect on the level of satisfaction of the general public as well as the discovery of elite athletes.

ABE MITUIE's Movements in Korean and Japanese Buddism (아베 미츠이에(阿部充家)의 한(韓)·일(日) 불교(佛敎) 관련(關聯) 활동(活動) -신자료(新資料) 「중앙학림학생제군(中央學林學生諸君)」 (1915), 「조선불교(朝鮮佛敎)の금석(今昔)」(1918)의 공개(公開)와 더불어-)

  • Shim, Won-Sup
    • The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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    • no.21
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    • pp.1-43
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    • 2011
  • This article introduces Abe Mituie's activities related to Korean and Japanese Buddhism and two newly discovered materials. He worked as a brain of Japanese cultural rule over Joseon Korea while holding various positions such as the president of KyeongSung Il Bo, the vice president of Kokmin Newspaper and the director of Central Joseon Association. Abe was responsible for Enkak Temple, the head temple of Japanese Rinzai section, and was one of the layman followers of Syak Soen who worked for the spread of modern Japanese Buddhism to Europe and America. He was a respectful Buddhist layman so as to teach Zen Buddhism for young Buddhist monks in Japan. After he started to assume charge in the Kyeong Sung Il Bo, he was also very active in movements in relation to Joseon Buddhism to the extent that he was found to be deeply involved in Joseon Buddhism sections. On the other hand, he concluded Joseon culture to be 'devastated.' He asserted that it was necessary to develop spiritual culture and revive Buddhism in order to resolve the devastation in the Joseon. In addition, he thought that Joseon Buddhism was ruined due to the misgovernment of the Joseon Dynasty, but had its own as great tradition as Japanese Buddhism. Therefore, in his opinion, there was a need to do research on Joseon Buddhism and find some way out of the contemporary difficulties. In order to save the situation, he made efforts to protect and revive Joseon Buddhism while paying continuous visits to Joseon Buddhist temples, supporting the publication of Buddhist canons and proposing to have a regular meeting of 'The Invitation of 30 Head Temples.' From his visit to Youngju Temple and his consistent relationship with Kang Daeryeon, it can be assumed that he was involved in reorganizing power structure in Joseon Buddhism and establishing various institutions. He emphasized the strict adherence of individuals and communities to rules in his lecture for students at Jung Ang Hak Rim. It was a way to revive Joseon Buddhism by creating a new social image of Joseon Buddhism. He continued to work for the restoration of Joseon Buddhism even after he retired from Kyeong Sung Il Bo and returned to Japan. He introduced the originality of Joseon Buddhism history to Japan and sent Japanese monks to Korea in order to do research and contribute to exchange between Korean and Japanese Buddhism. All things taken together, it is evident that Abe Mitzihe regarded Joseon as backward or stagnant from a perspective of evolutionist or orientalist, and was a Japanese elite to believe that it was just for Japan to control Korea. However, he was different from other Japanese elites in that he did not considered Joseon Buddhism merely as the object of propagation. He thought that Joseon Buddhism possessed its own great tradition and culture, but was ruined because of the misadministration of the Joseon Royal House. Therefore, in his opinion, Joseon Buddhism should be recovered by means of some supports, and its revival would lead to the restoration of Joseon culture as a whole, which would be realized by Japanese rule over Korea and Japanese elites' generous assistance.

Analysis on Trends in Plogging Culture and Professional Sports Using BIG KINDS Analysis (빅카인즈 분석을 활용한 플로깅 문화와 프로스포츠 분야의 동향 분석)

  • Gyu-Min, Na;Kyung-A, Oh
    • Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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    • v.40 no.5
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    • pp.1072-1080
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    • 2023
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze major keywords and social phenomena related to 'plogging' in the sports field and to derive important information. In order to achieve this purpose, the news analysis system BIG Kinds provided by the Korea Press Promotion Foundation was used to analyze it. The analysis period is from 2018 to 2022, and 42 of the 5,148 news collected were finally used and analyzed. Frequency analysis, relationship map analysis, and related word analysis were performed as analysis methods, and the results are as follows. First, as a result of the frequency analysis related to 'Plogging' in the sports field, keywords such as 'Jeju', 'Players', 'World Marathon', 'SSG', and 'Lee Bong-ju' were identified. Second, as a result of the analysis of the relationship related to 'Plogging' in the sports field, keywords such as 'COVID-19', 'national representative', 'elite', 'masters', and 'COVID' were identified. Third, as a result of the analysis of words related to 'Plogging' in the sports field, keywords such as 'synthesized words', 'volunteer activities,' 'masters untact', 'Jeju', and 'athletes' were identified. In the domestic professional sports field, it has been shown that plogging is actively used for environmental activities and professional team promotion to practice carbon neutrality by international sports organizations.

A Study on the Costumes of the Characters of Higyongru Banghwoedo (<희경루방회도(喜慶樓榜會圖)> 속 인물들의 복식 고찰)

  • Bae, Jin-Hee;Lee, Eun-Joo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.51 no.4
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    • pp.44-65
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    • 2018
  • This study examined the costumes of the characters in the painting titled Hig yongru Banghwoedo, which was designated as National Treasure No. 1879 in September 2015, and is currently kept in the Dongguk University Museum. The painting depicts a social gathering of Joseon aristocrats held at the higyongru, or watch tower, of the Gwangjumok, a government office, in 1567. It is characterized by the delicate illustration of the government officials, the main characters of the gathering, and the hyangri, ajeon, najang, chorye, akgong, and yeogi, the lower-class employees of the office. In order to investigate the costumes they wore, diverse materials including literature, costume artifacts, and paintings were used as reference sources. The scope of the study was limited to the characters' headdress and gown, and the accessories attached to the former. The study of men's clothing revealed that officials wore a samo and a red dalryeong as basic attire. In addition, it is presumed that they wore a belt indicating their official rank in the hierarchy, and a pair of black shoes. Retired officials wore a heuklip wrapped in horsehair or silk fabric with a red jing-nyeong and a doah. The hyangri wore a heukjukbanglip on their head, as well as a white jing-nyeong and a belted doah. In the Goryeo period, the banglip was a type of official headdress worn by members of the aristocratic elite ranked immediately below the king, but in Joseon it was demoted as the official headgear of the hyangri class, which was confirmed through Higyongru Banghwoedo. The ajeon wore a heuklip on their head, and a white jing-nyeong and a doah at the waist. As a rule, the najang wore a chogun on the head, and a banbieui on cheolrik and chungmokdai, but the najang in Higyongru Banghwoedo are depicted wearing a chogun and a cheolrik without a banbieui. Also, the chorye wore a heuklip wrapped in hemp cloth with a red cheolrik, whereas the akgong wore a somoja and a red cheolrik. Female entertainers, both adults and children, are depicted in the painting as either serving the aristocrats, dancing, or playing a musical instrument, wearing their hair in a voluminous, round, high bun, and dressed in a red daiyo, a hwangjangsam with a straight or reclined collar, and a belt. Notably, the donggi, i.e. young gisaeng, are shown wearing their hair in two short braids, and ddressed in a red gown with a y-shaped collar, or po.

Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.