• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제13권10호
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• pp.278-289
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• 2013

민주국가에서 정당이 선거 후보자를 내는 것은 매우 당연한 원칙이다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 기초지방선거에서 정당공천 폐지 문제는 쉽게 해결될 수 있는 문제가 아니다. 그래서 기초지방선거의 정당공천에 관한 최근의 논쟁과 해외사례를 정리하고 합리적인 대안을 모색해보았다. 정당공천과 관련된 논쟁은 기존 정치권은 반대의 입장에도 불구하고 정당공천 폐해를 극복하기 위하여 폐지 또는 새로운 대안의 모색이 필요하다는 논의가 많다. 실증적 조사에서도 정당공천제의 폐지에 많은 집단들이 동의하고 있다. 그렇지만 정당 공천의 폐지에 따라 나타날 수 있는 부정적 파급효과가 여성할당문제이다. 그래서 정당공천의 폐지에 따라 나타날 수 있는 부정적 파급효과를 고려하면서 몇 가지 대안을 제시하였다. 그 대안은 참여주체 확대, 정당표방제 도입, 지방정당제 도입, 상향적 공천절차 활용 등이다. 이러한 방안 중 참여주체 확대방안이 논리적으로 최적대안으로 제시하였으나 대안의 확정은 사회적 합의절차를 거쳐서 확정되어야 할 것이다.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제26권3호
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• pp.3-26
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• 2016

The preferential Rules of Origin (RoO) govern tariff preferences that are given in accordance with the FTA. However, relatively few studies have been devoted to the procedures in settling disputes that are relevant to RoO under the FTA. This study is a first attempt at analyzing the applicability and the potential improvement in dispute settlement procedures in FTAs targeted at the preferential RoO. By exploring three dispute cases involving the preferential RoO, it is suggested that restrictiveness, complexity, and uncertainty that are inherent in the preferential RoO may trigger political tension and dispute. Forming a panel that is capable of mitigating political tension, facilitating participation and early cooperation of experts and stakeholders, and establishing a well-structured enforcement procedure are essential in dispute settlement procedures to resolve disputes involving cases on RoO. Furthermore, the current dispute settlement procedure that hinders the private sector's access should be changed to one that is more open to private sector entities, such as companies, to facilitate the enforcement of the decision. Given that more improved FTA dispute settlement procedure may guarantee the enforcement and application of the FTA preferential treatment in relation with more politically powerful states and foster genuine free trades, more in-depth studies must be conducted on this topic.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제44권1호
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• pp.1-47
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• 2022

This paper introduces a politico-economic model with a welfare state and immigration. In this model, policies on taxes and immigration are determined through a plurality voting system. While many studies of fiscal implications of immigration argue that relaxing immigration policies can substitute for tax reforms in an aging economy, I show that the democratic voting procedure can dampen the effect of relaxing immigration policies as desired policy reforms are not always implemented by the winner of an election. This political economy results in three types of social welfare losses. First, the skill composition is not balanced at a socially efficient level because workers are motivated to maximize their wages. Second, older retirees implement excessive taxes to maximize the size of the welfare state. Third, the volume of immigration is lower than the optimal level given the incentive by young workers to regain political power in the future.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제60권
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• pp.79-106
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• 2013

The world is significant increasing investment volume into developing countries from foreign investors. Foreign financial capital is searching in interesting place among the emerging market. However foreign investors put still their experience in the economical and social crisis with political risks in the host countries. MIGA entered into the political risks insurance market which has one of the basic matter of sponsored the private investment guarantee programs. They put guarantee or covering risks of currency inconvertibility, expropriation, breach of contract and political violence. In the case contracts of guarantee concluded between investor and MIGA which are disputes in relation to such MIGA service contract, it should be settled by negotiation, conciliation and arbitration under the convention establishing the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency(MIGA). All disputes within the scope to states and investor of MIGA members shall be settled in accordance with the procedure set out in the convention. Recently, MIGA is opening the office in Seoul to strengthen joint efforts between MIGA and Korea. It will be a good chance to consider sustainable improvement and dispute solutions for emerging countries in foreign investment to the korean investors.

• 한국환경과학회지
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• 제13권10호
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• pp.855-861
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• 2004

This study analysed the influencing factors involved in deciding the policy through the analysis of procedure in the policy on the natural resources in local governments. To evaluate the political consensus of decision making in policy determination as political rationality in natural resources policy, we analyzed the degree of the satisfaction from the residents. Among the analysis factors of the satisfaction of natural resources policy, the most significant independent factors were the goal and the method of the policy, the institutional conditions and interested groups, the appropriateness of the content of decision making, supervising and controlling, cooperating relations, the effect of policy, and the consistency. From the analysis of the effect and the goal of policy, we found $70.5\%$ of residents was against the policy and only $27.8\%$ consented. Considering the appropriateness of supervising and controlling in accordance with the process of the policy decision and its execution, the influence of local governments and institutions concerned enjoying comparatively more economic benefits was strong, however, the involvement of the residents and supervising and monitoring institutions were found negligible.

• 한국디지털정책학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국디지털정책학회 2006년도 춘계학술대회
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• pp.39-44
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• 2006

The purport of this paper is to deduce political implication and significance of the proposed redress scheme of 'Consumer Collective Lawsuit (hereinunder "CCL")' under way to be introduced by the Korean government via various assessments per each phase of policy implementation process. To this end, the paper classifies the subject policy (referring to CCL) implementation process into 4 phases: policy origination, policy enactment, policy advertisement, and policy execution. Based on the said classification, assessments per each phase together with pros and cons analysis have been conducted. Through the aforementioned analysis, the paper concludes the following political implication and significance of CCL under way of introduction: - 1. In the case of policy origination led by external parties, a social consensus by and from involved parties with various interests is the most critical; 2. Prior feasibility and/or suitability study is also crucial in the policy implementation procedure; 3. To mitigate inter-ministerial conflicts that might arise from the due policy making procedure, democratization of conflict settlement mechanism, and institutionalization of participation in and disclosure of policy making process are cal led upon; and 4. Prior planning wi th respect to the public relation and advertisements of the subject policy on the table poses substantial significance.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제33권1호
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• pp.57-74
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• 1998

이 글은 1970년대 이후 서유럽 선진산업국가들에서 새로운 사회정치적 갈등으로서 재흥한 지역주의를 그 전개양상과 유형, 성격을 중심으로 살펴보고, 그에 대한 논리적 설명들을 개념적 차원에서 분류 서술한 것이다. 특히 사회과학에서 사회발전론으로서 지배적 위상을 지닌 근대화론을 개괄하고, 그 논의를 바탕으로 지역주의를 둘러 싼 제반 테제들을 분화론, 지속론, 과정론, 수렴론 그리고 탈분화론으로 나누어 발견론적이로 구성적 관점에서 접근하였다. 이들 테제를 실증적 자료에 의거하여 모두 구체적으로 검토하기에는 여전히 어려움이 있으나 지역주의가 사회과학 일반에서 이론적으로 주목받을 만한 가치가 있으며, 또한 지역에 대한 상이한 메타이론적 개념구성은 사회지리학에서 지역개념을 정교화하는 데에도 시사점을 줄 것으로 생각된다.

• 한국조사연구학회지:조사연구
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.87-100
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• 2008

200여개의 지역구 선거가 동시에 치러지는 국회의원 선거에서 주요정당의 의석 수를 예상해야 할 필요가 있는데, 이제까지는 정당별로 당선확실 선거구 수에 경합 선거구 수를 적당히 더하는 상식적 수준의 셈에 의존하여 왔다. 그러나 선거 예측 조사 자료를 베이즈 추론의 틀에 넣어 활용함으로써 정당 의석 수에 대한 합리적 점 예측과 구간 예측이 가능하다. 2004년의 제 17대 국회의원 선거에 적용하여 이 방법의 실용성을 살펴보았다.

• 사회복지연구
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• 제42권1호
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

본 논문은 건강보험정책결정과정에서의 참여민주주의를 중심으로 김대중·노무현 정부 복지국가 성격을 연구하였다. 참여민주주의는 한국 민주주의의 질적 발전 보다는 외환위기 이후 자본주의 구조조정을 위한 정치적 정당성 확보 전략에 의해 도입되었다. 따라서 참여민주주의가 복지국가 발전의 한 지표인 보장성강화를 획득해내는데 긍정적인 역할을 하였음에도 불구하고 신자유주의적 이념 추구, 국가재정책임성 미약, 정책결정과정에 가입자의 실질적인 참여 배제로 2007년 보장성강화정책은 결국 실패로 돌아가게 되었다. 과거 복지제도와 마찬가지로 김대중·노무현 정부 참여민주주의제도도 정치적 정당성 확보를 위해 도입되었으나 경제성장우선이데올로기의 제약하에서 운영되었다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 참여민주주의제도는 '서비스'가 아닌 '권력'형태의 제도라는 점, 참여민주주의제도로 인한 권력의 부여가 보장성 강화요구를 통해 복지국가 발전에 긍정적인 역할을 하였다는 사실로 미루어 볼 때 김대중·노무현 정부가 과거 복지국가와는 차별적이다.

• 환경영향평가
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.41-47
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• 1993

During the last years it became more and more difficult to deal with environmental conflicts using traditional political instruments in industrialized countries. One reason for the occurring problems might be the citizens' awareness of scarceness of nature. Another reason might be the changing legislation with the introduction of the environmental impact assessment (EIA) as an integral part of a project's licensing procedure. The EIA offers new possibilities for citizens to interfere in decision processes and to obstruct projects. The changing situation requires new instruments for conflict solving. Mediation may be considered an alternative or completion to the traditional political instruments. It is a systematic strategy for conflict treatment and. with the support of an independent mediator, allows to reach an agreement among all parties involved. Mediation may be introduced in the EIA One possibility offers the scoping date, which, if the participation of the public is assured, might avoid heavy disputes in the further process. Another connection between the instrument of mediation and the EIA could be the use of the environmental impact study (EIS) as information background for a mediation process. EIA would then be source of information about all environmental aspects. Thus the role of EIA would be extended to being a part of conflict analysis in the alternative dispute resolution process.