• 지역과문화
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.25-53
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• 2021

Based on the assumption that understandings and practices have been shifted in accordance with the historical context, this study aims to propose future policies to localize cultural diversity. First, in this study, it is necessary for the concept of cultural diversity, which came from political struggles, to understand and practice cultural diversity in the historical context by analyzing the multilayer aspects of policy practices. Second, through the case study of Jeonlabuk-do, by reviewing the discrimination experienced by social minorities and the perception of professionals related to culture policies in the region, this study represents to understand and practice of cultural diversity in the multi-layed way, even in the local. Lastly, it suggests some specific future policies to be considered when implicating the policies of culture diversity in respond to the limits of current government policies, including: decentralization of policies, enhancing local policies, transition from 'politics of distribution' to 'politics of recognition', an interculturalist approach that promotes contact rather than separation

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.12
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• pp.23-33
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• 2021

This study analyzed news articles about 'Young-Kl' reported by 11 media outlets, identifying news frames and quotation frames. Using a semantic network analysis, this study inspected the quotations frames and measured the frequency of the quotes and sources types. Also, the concentration index of the frames was measured. The results showed that news frames consisted of 10 topics and quotation frames consisted of 14 topics. Although the differences among quotation frames by media as well as by source types were observed, the concentration index of sources such as government, political arena, and business appeared high. Therefore, this study suggested that numerical diversity of news sources would not establish the diversity of news frames.

• Journal of Korean Women's Studies
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.203-231
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• 2014

Political space, the area where politics takes place, is generally treated as a male-centric space. The number of female politicians is increasing, but the core of political space is still dominated by male politicians. Therefore, on the one side, female politicians use masculine rhetoric in order to show that they are equal to male politicians, and on the other side, they use feminine rhetoric like the rhetoric of the First Lady or the rhetoric of motherhood in order to emphasize the differences with male politicians and stress their novelty as female politicians. In this situation, female politicians are confronted with the difficulty that they have to keep a balance between masculine and feminine rhetoric. In this context, this study, in chapter II, analyzes the monopoly of male politicians on political space and the dominance of masculine rhetoric and emphasizes that the political space is strongly gendered. Chapter III examines the possibilities and limits of the rhetoric of the First Lady and of the rhetoric of motherhood which female politicians use in the political space to draw attention to their messages. Chapter IV suggests two strategies to change the situation of the dominance of masculine rhetoric in the political space: the strategy of mainstreaming of women and the strategy of mainstreaming of gender agendas. Lastly, this study emphasizes that we need to develop an alternative feminine rhetoric by paying attention to the diversity of women.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.27-42
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• 2001

The objectives of this study are to give a definition and to find out the background and the pursuits of Saenghwal Hanbok. Conclusions are described as follows : 1. Saenghwal Hanbok and Gaeryang Hanbok are used together at the same tome, but they are different the background and the pursuits. Gaeryang Hanbok was pursued practical aspects - activities, simplification, sanitation, courtesy, economy, and diversity. And then Saenghwal Hanbok was added the pursuits of Minjung's image, traditional image, modern esthetic. 2. The background of Saenghwal Hanbok is divided into two group. One is the Minjung Hanbok in University, and the other is the recreated Hanbok in mass fashion. The former was effected to youth culture, political quarrel of culture movement, anti-government group. The Latter was a tendency toward reviving the tradition. 3. The characters of Saenghwal Hanbok were a national tradition, a resistance. the image of poor Minjung, a revival of the tradition, and a diversity and negotiation of post-modernism.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.52-61
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• 2021

The 2020 US Presidential Election was a highly-anticipated moment for our global society. During the election period, the most intriguing issue was who would be the winner-Trump or Biden? Among the possible main themes of the 2020 election, from the COVID-19 pandemic to racism, this study focused on feminism ('women') as a main component of Biden's victory. To explore the character of Biden's supporters, this paper focused on internet spaces as a source of public opinion. To guide the data analysis, this study employed four indices from empirical studies on Big Data analytics: issue salience, attention diversity, emotional mentioning, and semantic cohesion. The main finding of this study was that the representative keyword 'women' appeared more prevalently within content related to Biden than Trump, and the keyword pairs indicated that female voters were the main reason for Trump's failure but the root cause of Biden's victory. The results of this study indicated the role of the internet as a forum for public opinion and a fountain of political knowledge, which requires more rigorous investigation by researchers.

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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• no.35
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• pp.107-144
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• 2018

This paper summarizes the genealogy of post-war Zainichi magazines in Japan until 1959 and examines their meaning in the context of magazine history in Japan. The purpose of this paper is to prepare the framework to view characteristics of Zainichi magazines in Japan after the war until the present from a continuous and comprehensive perspective. Zainichi, who were left behind in Japan after the war began to project diverse aspects of their lives onto magazines. Despite the poor publishing environment, censorship of GHQ, shortage of writers and financial limitations, the Zainichi society did not give up the public sphere of magazines. The confusion in this time period acted as an element to expose limitations of Zainichi magazines in Japan. Most of magazines published in 1940s and 50s had to focus on political propaganda within the political frame, and many of such magazines were only published for a short term. In other words, it is ambiguous to define the majority of them as 'magazines' and a considerable number of them cannot even confirm the existence, making it difficult to examine the whole picture of magazines from this period. However, recently excavated materials indicate that most of Zainichi magazines in Japan attempted to reflect the reality of the Zainichi society in various ways, though they were confined in the political frame. The process in which language of magazines was changed from Korean language to Japanese and then again to Korean language suggests that Zainichi magazines in Japan tried to consistently express their existence in 'ethnicity,' 'homeland' and beyond, mediated by 'politics' and 'culture.' Moreover, the experience of seeking for the possibility of Zainichi culture in Japan from the flow of cultural movements in Japan during 1950s is an experience of seeking for a popular 'expression' that overcomes the political conflict of homeland. This reveals the diversity the Zainichi society to occur afterwards. A more precise study on individual magazines published during this period would be necessary in the future.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.43-53
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• 2007

Recently, controversy over intellectual property rights for protecting genetic resources and traditional knowledge has been emerging. Very active debates and global discussions are being carried out in various international organizations for possible approaches to be taken for these properties, and for the fair and equal sharing of the benefits from these intellectual properties. There is a need to evaluate adopting a sui generis system which is being pushed by developing nations, or adopting a policy which will guaranteee benefit sharing such as sharing royalties from marketing final products, technical transfers, capacity building, and participating in research activities. Also, it is very important to examine the legal issues concerning genetic resources based on Convention on Biological Diversity for the fair and equal sharing of the benefits with developing nations, at the same time assuring developed nations of access to genetic resources.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.300-314
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• 2018

This study, expending the existing concept of hostile media perception to biased media perception, empirically examined the effects of TV audience's political disposition(liberal, neutral, conservative) and broadcasting company's political disposition perceived by the audience(liberal, neutral, conservative) on evaluations of the broadcasting channel(interestedness, diversity, creativity, reliability, usefulness, fairness, public interest). With the nationwide online survey data from 624 adult audiences, a broadcasting company evaluated as the most neutral in political disposition at the moments of data gathering was selected and respondents' evaluations of the broadcasting channel were analyzed in a two-way factorial multiple analysis of covariance(MANCOVA). The results showed that the perceived political disposition of the broadcasting company affects audiences' evaluations of the channel while audiences' their own political dispositions do not. In addition, due to the interaction effects between audience's and broadcasting company's political dispositions, congruency in political dispositions led to positive evaluations(congenial media perceptions) while incongruency led to negative ones(hostile media perceptions). Based on these results, theoretical and empirical implications were discussed in terms of the formation of attitudes toward TV broadcasting channels.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.47
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• pp.413-437
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• 2017

National Republic of China is The republic of China (1912-1949) which experienced a bourgeois-democratic revolution so as to establish was the first and last Chinese bourgeois democratic republic in the history, During this period, great changes have taken place in Chinese society. Emerging bourgeois political began to show the power on the political stage of China. Both political and social environment in this period are turbulent and Western ideas, thoughts and various aspects concept is introduced to China in this period. As the external performance of society, civil society also has a general changed influence in all aspects of lifestyle. Due to the influence of the western design, poster design in the period of the republic of China has a variety of changes and the theme of the posters also became rich and diversity. The author, as a student, talk about the type, pattern and color characteristics of poster design in the period.

• The Korean Journal of Community Living Science
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.61-73
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• 2005

This study aims to examine the socio-demographic heterogeneity of community participation in rural Korea. Data was collected through interviews with 1,870 rural householders and housewives who have lived in Up or Myen as an administrative unit of rural communities, and analyzed by the SPSS/PC Win V.10 program. The statistical techniques used for this study were frequency and percentile. The major findings of this study were as follows. Firstly, the extent to which rural people have participated in community organizations were: cooperative groups, $80.8\%$; religious groups, $20.6\%$; learning groups, $12.7\%$; political groups, $9.8\%;$ civil groups $6.7\%$; and voluntary groups, $5.3\%$. Whereas the numbers were high for community participation in groups related to agricultural production, participation in civil and voluntary groups were lower. Secondly, it showed that people who lived in urbanized and high population density areas were more likely to participate in community groups. The diversity of community organizations was different according to the level of rurality. Thirdly, farm householders were more likely to participate in religious, civil and voluntary groups than non-farm householders. Fourthly, people with higher education, females, those in the 40 to 50 age groups were more likely to participate in community organizations. Fifthly, even though men are more likely to participate in political parties, women were more likely then men to agree that women should participate in political parties. This empirical study could support the results of Sundeen (1988) and Wilson and Musick (1997) in that education was related positively to community participation. In addition, we concluded that community participation in a rural development process has two main considerations: philosophical and pragmatic. This implies that there is room for government to enable and facilitate 'true' community participation. That can be done through policy reform which creates a permissive environment for community decision-making and input, in addition to simply supporting community development through financial assistance.