The organizational politics strengthened resistance to change. This study explores how the organizational political perception and fairness in split firms affect resistance to change. The analysis showed that the boss's and colleague's politics is minimized by its distributional fairness and procedural fairness. The organizational politics strengthened resistance to change. Additionally, mediating effects of fairness were analyzed. As a result, it was revealed that the perception of organized politics by bosses and that colleagues' perception of organizational politics affected resistance to change based on distributional fairness. However, it was shown that procedural fairness had no mediating roles between organizational politics and change resistance. There is a need to pay keen attention to distributional fairness to minimize the resistance to changes of organizational members at the split. If distributional fairness is not secure, Members will be a political behavior.
Stamps are the smallest image symbols that can be read in the period, and they include the history, culture, politics, and figures and events of the issuing country. In particular, the stamps of the past presidents include the contemporary history of Korea, and reexamining and reviewing the meaning of the presidential stamps historically has a meaning that can not be overlooked as a researcher who studies the image of political leaders. In this study, the scope of research from the first republic to the fifth republic, where the publicity of political leaders through the advertisement of stamps and placards was high, was conducted and the leader image formation and change process centering on the former presidents Rhee Seungman, Park Jeong Hee, Chun Doo Hwan, Respectively. For the interpretation of the image of political leaders according to the changes of time, the images were classified by using Osgood's Semantic Differential Scale, and the images were analyzed using Saussure's semiotics. The image continues to move and change, and the conclusion that the image of the political leader of the time is not a simple personal image but a social product reflecting the specific age of the era.
The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.
It is known that the development of medical science is influenced by various social environmental factors. Historically, Chinese Medicine developed the most during the Song Yuan dynasty, and the reason for this was known to be due to socio-political factors. According to recent studies, however, this period also had severe changes in climate and environment. Therefore, this study was conducted under the premise that this change in climate and environment influenced medical development. When looking at the coldness of the 11th~12th century and data indicating warming before and after this period, the Song Yuan dynasty went through drastic periods of climate change. Therefore, diseases related to heat such as bubonic plague, measles, and malaria were common. Furthermore, due to occasional wars during the Song Yuan dynasty, social unrest was aggravated and infectious diseases spread due to land development and environmental pollution. As the health of people were threatened due to these factors, the printing and distribution of medical text were encouraged, and during this process, the great 4 doctors of Jin-Yuan appeared. The reason why they studied cures for infectious diseases due to heat was related to climatic environment change. The development in medical science is closely related to socio-political factors, however the change in climatic environments are inevitably related to disease emergence as well. Therefore, it should always be taken into consideration as an important factor that promotes development in medical science.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
/
v.13
no.4
/
pp.381-395
/
2007
After the democratization process since 1988, the national scale voting behavior in congressional elections has changed from a rural-government party and urban-opposite party connection to a political regionalism oriented pattern. In this context, the case study with provincial border regions aims to investigate possible party identification change of the region, and to find a relationship between polling score ratio and socio-political characteristics of the candidates. As a result, Yeongdong shows a strong negation to the presumed Chungcheong local party and shows a continuous party identification with the Kyungsang local party. Muju reveals a more or less weakened identification with the Jeolla local party, on the contrary, Kimcheon shows a unchanged strong identification with the Kyungsang local party. The regional neighborhood effect was verified quite partly between the subdivision districts of the border regions. With a application of linear fitting method, it is certified that voters have attached great importance to the belonging party, native place, as well as political career of the candidates as a voting criterion.
The main purpose of this study is to seek better approach which explains reciprocal causality associated with factors causing social conflict and improving social integration respectively. Throughout this study, there are several important implications how social conflict can be solved in South Korea. In particular, government and policy makers in political sector should create an environment of social integration through political reforms by switching from vertical structure to horizontal structure and by encouraging ordinary people to actively participate in the policy-making processes and political activities. In economic sector, government and stakeholder associated with a certain economic issue should induce a change in the economic environment for social integration, focusing on distribution of wealth and employment stability. In social and cultural sectors, it is necessary to solve social and cultural problems (e.g., generation gap and conflict between the young and the old, multi-ethnic families, and lack of communication) by exploring better ways to establish an altruism and to interact with each other. In psychological sectors, PsyCap(Positive Psychological Capital) will help ordinary people to crate positive thinking and lead to social integration. For instance, political leaders having PsyCap are able to communicate with the people and can help the people to build positive main influencing on social integration. Finally, the improvement of the system is required because the improvement of insufficient system is the basis for reasonable and equitable social integration.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.18
no.3
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pp.310-325
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2012
Human being has used place names to differentiate one place from another. Place names are the products of collective human cognition in that a place name is chosen when it successfully represents the identity of a place. In addition, place names have been changed by the competition and struggle between social agencies and the political imperatives of hegemonic groups to impose their identity on the places. Recent geographic studies on place names have focused on the social and political processes behind the change of place names. In this vein, the purpose of this study is investigating the debates on the decision of city names in the process of the administrative reorganization in mid 1990s by the lens of political geography. Residents in cities and counties tried to justify their arguments by emphasizing historical backgrounds and popularity of their names. Additionally, economic power and potential were mobilized for the political resources to win over the battle over city names. The result, however, shows that the decision of newly consolidated cities' name was mainly made by the amount of political resources, such as population and number of seats in local assemblies. Several regions tried to use city names to negotiate with counterparts. In sum, the decision of place names is the product of political competitions, and the place name becomes the symbol of territorial identity. Place names have been in the center of disputes in local politics even after the name was decided, which suggest further studies on reasonable solution to mitigate the disputes to be expected when additional reorganization of administrative districts.
Political space, the area where politics takes place, is generally treated as a male-centric space. The number of female politicians is increasing, but the core of political space is still dominated by male politicians. Therefore, on the one side, female politicians use masculine rhetoric in order to show that they are equal to male politicians, and on the other side, they use feminine rhetoric like the rhetoric of the First Lady or the rhetoric of motherhood in order to emphasize the differences with male politicians and stress their novelty as female politicians. In this situation, female politicians are confronted with the difficulty that they have to keep a balance between masculine and feminine rhetoric. In this context, this study, in chapter II, analyzes the monopoly of male politicians on political space and the dominance of masculine rhetoric and emphasizes that the political space is strongly gendered. Chapter III examines the possibilities and limits of the rhetoric of the First Lady and of the rhetoric of motherhood which female politicians use in the political space to draw attention to their messages. Chapter IV suggests two strategies to change the situation of the dominance of masculine rhetoric in the political space: the strategy of mainstreaming of women and the strategy of mainstreaming of gender agendas. Lastly, this study emphasizes that we need to develop an alternative feminine rhetoric by paying attention to the diversity of women.
In the 2000s, Korean cinema maintained the industrial growth on the strength of 10 million audiences and the successful Korean blockbuster. A variety of film materials such as history, politics, social issues, and the division between North and South Korea ideology were addressed in the movies, and one of the movies based on a true story was popular. Accordingly, external size of the film industry has been gradually expanding. Korean public movies have a firm position in the film market, and a diversity of discussion is made as the movies spontaneously get attention. Also, the influence of social media and media which recognized far-reaching powers of public films causes a political and social change, but it also provokes ideology controversy. Objectivity of this study is first to discuss factors and initiating causes that Korean movies have firmly settled as public movies since late 1990s. Secondly, this study considers relation among media, social media. and Korean public film that aroused more arguments on politics, society, and history in 2000s. The powerful influence of films on society not only leads political change but also affects awareness change of audience and the role of social media.
Energy policy is known to have higher path dependency among policy fields (Kuper and van Soest, 2003; OECD, 2012; Kikkawa, 2013) and is a critical component of the infrastructure development undertaken in the early stages of nation building. Actor roles, such as those played by interest groups, are firmly formed, making it unlikely that institutional change can be implemented. In resource-challenged Japan, energy policy is an especially critical policy area for the Japanese government. In comparing energy policy making in Japan and Germany, Japan’s policy community is relatively firm (Hartwig et al., 2015), and it is improbable that institutional change can occur. The Japanese government’s approach to energy policy has shifted incrementally in the past half century, with the most recent being the 2012 implementation of the “Feed-In Tariff Law” (Act on Special Measures Concerning Procurement of Renewable Electric Energy by Operators of Electric Utilities), which encourages new investment in renewable electricity generation and promotes the use of renewable energy. Yet, who were the actors involved and the factors that influenced the establishment of this new law? This study attempts to assess the factors associated with implementing the law as well as the roles of the relevant major actors. In answering this question, we focus on identifying the policy networks among government, political parties, and interest groups, which suggests that success in persuading key economic groups could be a factor in promoting the law. Our data is based on the “Global Environmental Policy Network Survey 2012-2013 (GEPON2)” which was conducted immediately after the March 11, 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake with respondents including political parties, the government, interest groups, and civil society organizations. Our results suggest that the Feed in Tariff (FIT) Law’s network structure is similar to the information network and support network, and that the actors at the center of the network support the FIT Law. The strength of our research lays in our focus on political networks and their contributing mechanism to the law’s implementation through analysis of the political process. From an academic perspective, identifying the key actors and factors may be significant in explaining institutional change in policy areas with high path dependency. Close examination of this issue also has implications for a society that can promote renewable and sustainable energy resources.
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