• Journal of Distribution Research
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.49-68
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• 2001

In this chapter, we summarize the results on the optimal location selection and present limitation and direction of research. In order to reach the objective, this study selected and tested the interaction model which obtains the value of co-ordinates on location selection through the optimization technique. This study used the original variables in the model, but the results indicated that there is difference in reality. In order to overcome this difference, this study peformed market survey and found the new variables (first data such as price, quality and assortment of goods, and the second data such as aggregate area, and area of shop, and the number of cars in the parking lot). Then this study determined an optimal variable by empirical analysis which compares an actual value of market share in 1988 with the market share yielded in the model. However, this study found the market share in each variables does not reflect a reality due to an assumption of λ-value in the model. In order to improve this, this study performed a sensitivity analysis which adds the λ value from 1.0 to 2.9 marginally. The analyzed result indicated the highest significance with the market share ratio in 1998 at λ of 1.0. Applying the weighted value to a variable from each of the first data and second data yielded the results that more variables from the first data coincided with the realistic rank on sales. Although this study have some limits and improvements, if a marketer uses this extended model, more significant results will be produced.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.15 no.6_1
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• pp.79-92
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• 2015

It is required to expand area of inter-Korean economic cooperation, being limited to non-military field, to military field and then, to positively promote arms control in order to establish foundation for peaceful reunification in Korean peninsula. Reasons why arms control has not been promoted between South and North Korea in the meantime were such original factors as follows; (1) limit of confidence building between the South and the North, (2) functional limit of arms control itself, (3) institutional structural limit between the South and the North, (4) environmental limit at home and abroad. It is necessary to get out from existing frame and to seek a new paradigm in order to overcome above factors and to realize arms control between the South and the North. First, it is required to have prior political dialog at the South-North high-level talks in order to promote arms control and to exercise 'strategic flexibility' during negotiation and promotion process. For this, 'flexible reciprocity' has to be adopted in compliance with situation and conditions. Second, it is necessary to get out from existing principle of 'confidence building in advance and arms reduction later' but to seek the 'simultaneous driving principle of confidence building and arms reduction' as an eclectic approach. Namely, based on reasonable sufficiency, it is required to promote military confidence building and limited arms reduction in parallel, which is a lower level of arms control. Third, as an advisory body of Prime Minister's Office, it is necessary to install an organization exclusively responsible for arms control and to positively handle arms control issue from the standpoint of national policy strategy. If the South-North high-level talks take place, it is necessary to organize and operate 'South-North Joint Arms Control Promotion Board (tentative name)'. Fourth, it is required to exercise more active diplomatic competence in order to create national consensus on necessity of arms control for peaceful reunification and to form more favorable international environment. Especially, it is necessary to think about how to solve nuclear issue of North Korea together in collaboration with international society and how to maintain balance between ROK-US alliance and Sino-Korean cooperation relations.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.137-172
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• 2008

The earliest safety data programs, the FDR and CVR, were electronic reporting systems that generate data "automatically." The FDR program, originally instituted in 1958, had no publicly available restrictions for protections against sanctions by the FAA or an airline, although there are agreements and union contracts forbidding the use of FDR data for FAA enforcement actions. This FDR program still has the least formalized protections. With the advent of the CVR program in 1966, the precursor to the current FAR 91.25 was already in place, having been promulgated in 1964. It stated that the FAA would not use CVR data for enforcement actions. In 1982, Congress began restricting the disclosure of the CVR tape and transcripts. Congress added further clarification of the availability of discovery in civil litigation in 1994. Thus, the CVR data have more definitive protections in place than do FDR data. The ASRS was the first non-automatic reporting system; and built into its original design in 1975 was a promise of limited protection from enforcement sanctions. That promise was further codified in an FAR in 1979. As with the CVR, from its inception, the ASRS had some protections built in for the person who might have had a safety problem. However, the program did not (and to this day does not) explicitly deal with issues of use by airlines, litigants, or the public media, although it appears that airlines will either take a non-punitive stance if an ASRS report is filed, or the airline may ignore the fact that it has been filed at all. The FAA worked with several U.S. airlines in the early 1990s on developing ASAP programs, and the FAA issued an Advisory Circular about the program in 1997. From its inception, the ASAP program contained some FAA enforcement protections and company discipline protections, although some protection against litigation disclosure and public disclosure was not added until 2003, when FAA Order 8000.82 was promulgated, placing the program under the protections of FAR 193, which had been added in 2001. The FOQA program, when it was first instituted through a demonstration program in 1995, did not contain protections against sanctions. Now, however, the FAA cannot take enforcement action based on FOQA safety data, and an airline is limited to "corrective action" under the program. Union contracts can exclude FOQA from the realm of disciplinary action, although airline practice may be for airlines to require retraining if there is no contract in place forbidding it. The data is protected against disclosure for litigation and public media purposes by FAA Order 8000.81, issued in 2003, which placed FOQA under the protections of FAR 193. The figure on the next page shows when each program began, and when each statute, regulation, or order became effective for that program.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.31
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• pp.199-235
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• 2018

Most of the new religions derived from Jeungsan have claimed that Jeungsan's religious thought reproduced Dangun [檀君] Thought in its original form. However, Daesoon Jinrihoe is the only religious order out of the many new religions within the Jeungsan lineage, which has constantly kept its distance from Dangun Thought since 1909 during the earliest period of proto-Daesoon Jinrihoe. Even a mere trace of Dangun cannot be found in the subject of faith or the doctrinal system of Daesoon Jinrihoe. In this context, this study aims to examine possible connections between Daesoon Thought and Dangun Thought in order to determine why other Jeungsanist religions frequently exhibit Dangunist features. Specifically, a major part of this study will be devoted to comparing and analyzing the narrative structure of Daesoon Thought and Dangun Thought as well as their respective motifs. In fact, Jeungsan does not seem to have ever mentioned Dangun in his recorded teachings, therefore, after his passing into the Heaven, most of the religious orders including Daesoon Jinrihoe derived from him did not pay any attention to Dangun Thought for almost for 40 years. These orders did not originally perceive Dangun as an object of belief. After Korea's liberation, Dangun became widely accepted as a pivotal role among the Korean people. As Dangun-nationalism claimed to unify Koreans as one great Korean ethnic society, the religious orders of Jeungsan lineage also climbed aboard this creed and their faiths or doctrines were acculturated to reflect this change. The reason for this has been attributed to following modern trends to increase success in propagation. In the meantime, Daesoon Jinrihoe was the only order that did not accept Dangun-nationalism because it was not a teaching given by the order's founder. And the two systems of thought have more dissimilarity than parallelism in terms of philosophical ideology. These seem to be the main reasons why Daesoon Jinrihoe did not adopt Dangun into its doctrine or belief system.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.95-113
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• 1988

In order to find out changes of chemical components related to browning of dried jujube, four varieties were subjected to the proximate analysis. Boeun, one of the major varieties in Korea, was sun-dried and stored for 12 months and analyzed periodically for one year. Browning, titrable acidity, pH, contents of ascorbic acid, organic acid, total amino acid, free amino acid, free sugar, hydroxymethylfurfural (HMF) and phenolic compounds were determined and compared with those of fresh jujube. The results obtained are summarized as follows; 1. In comparison with other similar fruits, jujube was high contents of ascorbic acid (62-79mg%) and carbohydrate (22-28%) excluding fiber. 2. Browning was increased in both steam-treated and nontreated plot together as storage period was prolonged. 3. Ascorbic acid content of fresh jujube was as high as 297.4mg% DB, but it was decreased to 20.2mg% DB, after 12 months storage. Therefore, loss of ascorbic acid was very great up to 93% of its original content. 4. Five kinds of organic acid, oxalic, succinic, fumaric, malic and citric acid were identified as major organic acids. It was interesting that only fumaric acid content was increased while others decreased during storage. 5. Seventeen kinds of amino acid were identified in the analysis of total amino acid content. Major amino acids were found to be proline, threonine, glutamic acid and lysine. During 12 months storage, 30% of original total amino acid was decreased and this was mostly accounted for free amino acids. 6. Threonine, proline, alanine and valine were identified as free amino acids which showed 85% decrease after 12 months storage. 7. Free sugars of jujube were composed of fructose, glucose and sucrose. They showed 24% decrease after 12 months storage, Especially sucrose was not detected after 4 months storage. 8. HMF of dried jujube was isolated and identified. Its content was increased up to great extent as storage period prolonged. 9. Caffeic, ferulic and P-coumaric acid were identified as jujube phenolic compounds which were significantly decreased during storage. In conclusion, non-enzymatic browning was thought to be more important than enzymatic reaction in the dried jujube. Amino-carbonyl reaction, ascorbic acid oxidation and reaction between phenolic compounds and sugar or nitrogen compounds were observed to be related to this browning.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.67-77
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• 2015

The purpose of this paper is to draw historic valuable resources to conserve through the analysis about the preservation status of historic urban environment in Suwon Hwaseong Fortress. As for the conservation of urban environment, it is important to protect the resources showing historical continuity and to manage the resources remaining characteristics of place, the analysis of the preservation status is focused on the perspective of preservation of physical form and land use. This paper makes progress through three phases. First, in order to understand urban environment in Hwaseong Fortress overall, it compares land registration original map in 1911 to current map in 2014 by the four items of topography, water environment, streets and sites. Next, changes of four items in urban environment have been reviewed further by the research of maps, relative literatures, field survey and interview, and are classified according to the criteria of preservation-partially preservation-disappearance. After analysing preservation status, valuable urban historic cultural resources are drawn separately by being preserved continually and by being preserved partially but remaining characteristics of place. As a result, natural factors of topography and waterway and urban factor of streets are remained considerably preserved. And even if these factors are changed, the ground environment features support to understand historic urban context. Second, as preservation of topography, water environment, streets and sites are closely related to each other, integrated conservation frameworks are needed to enhance urban historic landscape. Third, modern historic resources in Hwaseong are remained unchanged and thus it is necessary to understand urban historic environment by the layers of various times besides Joseon Dynasty period. Fourth, historic sites and streets which had been preserved through urban development process are destroyed by recent historic cultural restoration policies, therefore urban historic resources worthy of conservation should be treated prudently.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.186-201
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• 1995

In order to elucidate the fate of the residues of the pyrethroid acaricide-insecticide, acrinathrin in soil, maize plants were grown for one month on the specially-made pots filled with two different types of soils containing fresh and one-month-aged residues of [$^{14}C$]acrinathrin, respectively. The mineralization of [$^{14}C$]acrinathrin to $^{14}CO_2$ during the one-month period of aging and of maize cultivation amounted to $23{\sim}24%$ and $24{\sim}33%$, respectively, of the original $^{14}C$ activities. At harvest after one-month growing, the shoots and roots contained less than 0.1% and 1% of the originally applied $^{14}C$ activity, respectively, whereas the $^{14}C$ activity remaining in soil was $65{\sim}80%$ in both soils. Three degradation products with m/z 198(3-phenoxybenzaldehyde), m/z 214(3-phenoxybenzoic acid), and m/z 228(methyl 3-phenoxybenzoate) besides an unknown were identified from acetone extracts of both soils without and with maize plants after treatment of [$^{14}C$]acrinathrin, by autoradiography and GC-MS, and those with m/z 225(3-phenoxybenzaldehyde cyanohydrin) and m/z 198 (3-phenoxybenzaldehyde) from acetone extract of the Soil A treated with 50 ppm acrinathrin and grown with maize plants for 30 days were identified by mass spectrometry. These results suggested that the hydrolytic cleavage of the ester linkage adjacent to the $^{14}C$ with a cyano group, forming 3-phenoxybenzaldehyde cyanohydrin. The removal of hydrogen cyanide therefrom leads to the formation of 3-phenoxybenzaldehyde as one of the major products. The subsequent oxidation of the aldehyde to 3-phenoxybenzoic acid, followed by decarboxylation would evolve $^{14}CO_2$. Solvent extractability of the soils where maize plants were grown for 1 month and/or [$^{14}C$]acrinathrin was aged for 1 month was less than 31% of the original $^{14}C$ activity and over 95% of the total $^{14}C$ activity in soil extracts was distributed in the organic phase. Accordingly, acrinathrin turned out to be degraded rapidly in both soils and be bound to soil constituents as well, not being available to crops.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.241-254
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• 2011

Financial time-series forecasting is one of the most important issues because it is essential for the risk management of financial institutions. Therefore, researchers have tried to forecast financial time-series using various data mining techniques such as regression, artificial neural networks, decision trees, k-nearest neighbor etc. Recently, support vector machines (SVMs) are popularly applied to this research area because they have advantages that they don't require huge training data and have low possibility of overfitting. However, a user must determine several design factors by heuristics in order to use SVM. For example, the selection of appropriate kernel function and its parameters and proper feature subset selection are major design factors of SVM. Other than these factors, the proper selection of instance subset may also improve the forecasting performance of SVM by eliminating irrelevant and distorting training instances. Nonetheless, there have been few studies that have applied instance selection to SVM, especially in the domain of stock market prediction. Instance selection tries to choose proper instance subsets from original training data. It may be considered as a method of knowledge refinement and it maintains the instance-base. This study proposes the novel instance selection algorithm for SVMs. The proposed technique in this study uses genetic algorithm (GA) to optimize instance selection process with parameter optimization simultaneously. We call the model as ISVM (SVM with Instance selection) in this study. Experiments on stock market data are implemented using ISVM. In this study, the GA searches for optimal or near-optimal values of kernel parameters and relevant instances for SVMs. This study needs two sets of parameters in chromosomes in GA setting : The codes for kernel parameters and for instance selection. For the controlling parameters of the GA search, the population size is set at 50 organisms and the value of the crossover rate is set at 0.7 while the mutation rate is 0.1. As the stopping condition, 50 generations are permitted. The application data used in this study consists of technical indicators and the direction of change in the daily Korea stock price index (KOSPI). The total number of samples is 2218 trading days. We separate the whole data into three subsets as training, test, hold-out data set. The number of data in each subset is 1056, 581, 581 respectively. This study compares ISVM to several comparative models including logistic regression (logit), backpropagation neural networks (ANN), nearest neighbor (1-NN), conventional SVM (SVM) and SVM with the optimized parameters (PSVM). In especial, PSVM uses optimized kernel parameters by the genetic algorithm. The experimental results show that ISVM outperforms 1-NN by 15.32%, ANN by 6.89%, Logit and SVM by 5.34%, and PSVM by 4.82% for the holdout data. For ISVM, only 556 data from 1056 original training data are used to produce the result. In addition, the two-sample test for proportions is used to examine whether ISVM significantly outperforms other comparative models. The results indicate that ISVM outperforms ANN and 1-NN at the 1% statistical significance level. In addition, ISVM performs better than Logit, SVM and PSVM at the 5% statistical significance level.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.114-134
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• 1998

The conception of pyo(標) bon(本) joong(中) in the part of woongihak(運氣學) of negeong(內徑) one of the important thing that decides the relation between six gi(六氣) and samyum and samyang(三陰三陽) or between each other's of samyum and samyang itself, it says that the relation of Pyo-rce(表裏). So this conception from the ancient times have been used to explain the theory of meridian(經絡) and organs(五臟六腑) and in other important field of oriental medicine - Sanghannon(傷寒論), it became basis of explanation of pcthoiogical principles in the system of six kyung(六徑). At first, the subject or this study is limited to the rament of $\ll$Somun(素問)$\gg$ in order to find the accurate and original meanings of pyo(標) bon(本) joong(中). And the meanings are studied by the way of expanding it's meaning with basic conceptions of woongihak(運氣學) and astronomy included in negeong(內徑). In this study, the results are summarized as the followings. 1. The contents of - the 68th chapter of negeong(內徑), concerning pyo(標) and joong(中) come under chogi(初氣) and joonggi(中氣) of the same chapter, after consideration of astronomical knowledge. And they become active during the period that last about 30days, a haft of one step(一步) of kaekgi(客氣). 2. Bon(本) as a kind of six gi(六氣) that is revealed from internal principle of something, that is to say Ohhaeng(五行), comes mainly under the kaekgi(客氣) of woongihak(運氣學) with the meaning of 'sign' is thai the specific properties of six gi(六氣) are revealed to our sight, so we can feel that through the change of nature, Joong(中) is the other property hidden in the inside of six gi(六氣), that is a portion of original nature(本性) like the bon(本). 3. The relation of pyo(標) and bon(本) is like that bctween the principle hidden inside in all things(理) and it's expression into the real world(氣) also similar to thai of yumyang(陰陽) and ohhaeng(五行). Therefore bon(本), though it means one of the six gi(六氣), hale the property of ohhaeng(五行) and pyo(標) is revealed, with an appearance of samyum-samyang(三陰三陰). 4. pyo(標) and joong(中) are also the both sides of yum(陰) and yang(陰) that revealed under the change of yumyang-ohhaengl(陰陽五行) in the nature. For example, if the one is yang(陰), the other is yum(陰). In the process that the change of all things is revealed out, first the property of pyo(標) appears strongly and then that of joong(中) appears comparatively weakly. But, in spite of the inhibitive relation of yumyang(陰陽), pyo(標) and joong(中) promote each other. 5. Under the course of change. It happens according to the bon(本), the property of ohhaeng(五行) in the case of soyang(少陽) and taeyum(太陰), because the effect of moisture(濕) and fire(火) that makes hyung(形) and gi(氣) is very strong in the universe. In the case of taeyang(太陽) and soyum(少陰), it happens according to the bon(本) and pyo(標) because they hare the polarity of water and fire(火水), at the same time, are not separated each other. In the case of yangmeong(陽明) and gualyum(厥陰), the change appears only according to the joong(中), but not strongly because the phase of yangmeong(陽明) and gualyum(厥陰) is a lull phase processing to the next one.