• Title/Summary/Keyword: mythology

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A study on the awareness about "Dong-YI(東夷)" in Confucianism scripture (유교경전의 동이 인식에 관한 연구 - 13경 및 그 주석서를 중심으로 -)

  • Ham, HyunChan
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.30
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    • pp.123-159
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    • 2010
  • Dongyi (Chinese: 東夷; pinyin: $D{\bar{o}}ngy{\acute{i}}$; Wade-Giles: Tung-yi; literally "eastern 'barbarians'") was a collective term for people in eastern China and in the east of China. People referred to as Dongyi vary across the ages. The early Dongyi culture was one of earliest neolithic cultures in China. According to the earliest Chinese record, Zuo Zhuan, the Shang Dynasty was attacked by King Wu of Zhou, while attacking Dongyi, and collapsed afterwards Dongyi culture was one of the oldest neolithic cultures in China. Some Chinese scholars extend the historical use of Dongyi to prehistoric times, according to this belief, the neolithic culture correlates to Houli culture, Beixin culture, Dawenkou culture, Longshan culture and Yueshi culture, five evolutionary phases. Deliang He, thinks that Dongyi culture used to be one of the leading cultures in neolithic China. The writing system of Dongyi was one of the oldest writing systems in neolithic China. There are opinions that the 20 pictogram characters discovered in a Dongyi tomb (山東?縣大汶口墓葬) in Shangdong indictates some of the characters found, like "旦, 越, 斤, 皇, 封, 酒, 拍, ?", are still used in Chinese characters. There are also opinions that Dongyi people were the inventor of arrows. Some classic Chinese history records like Zuo Zhuan, Shuowen Jiezi, Classic of Rites, all have some similar records about this. [3][4] The legendary god of archery in Chinese mythology, Houyi, could also be a Dongyi leader. Based on archeology findings, Dongyi people's ancestral worship totem is bird-shaped. In the meantime, The fundamental thing that Koreans should do is to find out Korean identy. Koreans cannot achieve their goals unless they enforce politics economics, educations, etc. in harmony with their own identity. However, some people say that Koreans do not have any dentity on the grounds that there is no Korean traditional thought. This view is, however, absolutely absurd because it is impossible for a nation to exist for oner five thousand years without having it's own native characteristics. The most essential thought in Korean identity is Confucius' In(仁). In is originated from Yi(夷) or Yi-jok(夷族)'s heart. On this account, Confucius' In can be a precious thought to Korean people who have been suffering from many problem caused by the absence of Korean identity. If Korean could understand their original characteristics and if Korean couldrealize that their original characteristics are Confucius' In, then our culture and identity recovery of though may maximize efficiency of country and society development.

A Study on the Differences between Jinmuk Tales in Buddhism and Daesoon Thought (불교와 대순사상에 나타난 진묵설화의 차이점)

  • Lee, Byung-wook
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.29
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    • pp.141-170
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    • 2017
  • In this paper, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those which appear in Daesoon Thought. Specifically, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko (震黙祖師遺蹟攷, A Study on the Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk) and those from the Jeongyeong (典經), and then study the differences between the two sources. In chapter two, I approach Jinmuk's thought as conveyed in the Jinmukjosayujeokko by examining four points. The first point is that Jinmuk is a transformation-body (an incarnation) of Sakyamuni (釋迦牟尼) Buddha. In the preface of the Jinmukjosayujeokko, Choui (艸衣) says that Jinmuk is a transformation-body of Sakyamuni Buddha. The second point is the spirit of unobstructed action (無礙行), the third point is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between meditative and doctrinal approaches (禪敎一致), and the fourth is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between Confucianism and Buddhism (儒佛一致). In chapter three, I study on the viewpoints which can be derived from Jinmuk tales in Daesoon Thought, and compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong. The Jinmuk tales from the Jeongyeong can be characterized by the Daesoon concepts 'Cheonji Gongsa (天地公事, The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth)' and 'Haewon Sangsang (解冤相生, The Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficience)'. This is the key difference between the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those from Daesoon Thought. If I compare the common subject matter of the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosa yujeokko and the Jeongyeong, the Jinmuk tales from these two sources likewise contain differences. Why do these differences occur? I will explain these differences based on Mircea Eliade's approach to mythology. Eliadian theory posits that myths contain the desires of those who deliver the myths. If I explain the difference between the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong based on Eliade's theory, Buddhism has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect Buddhist values, whereas Daesoon Thought has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect the values of Daesoon Thought. As Korean Buddhism and Daesoon Thought promote different values, they thereby have different Jinmuk tales.

The Interpretation of a Korean Folk Tale from the Perspective of Analytical Psychology (민담 <외쪽이>의 분석심리학적 해석)

  • Ji Youn Kim
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.122-168
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    • 2017
  • I tried to understand a folk tale "The half-boy" in terms of analytical psychology. In the story, a lady without children prayed to the Buddha. The white old man came and gave three fishes, but the cat ate half of it. So, she ate two and a half. She gave birth to two perfect sons. The third son had one arm, one leg, and one eye. They grew well. Brothers went to take the civil service examinations, and the half-boy followed. But two brothers did not like the half-boy coming along. So, brothers tied the half-boy to the rocks and trees, and he picked them up with force and gave them down to the yard of the house. And the half-boy followed his brothers again, and brothers tied him with kudzu and put him in front of the tiger. The half-boy won the tiger by betting with cutting kudzu. The half-boy stripped off the tiger's skin. The host coveted the tiger skin and they played with janggi. The half-boy won the game and was permitted to take host's daughter. The half-boy went with a string, a drum, a flea, and a bedbug. He teased host's people with these. The half-boy brought a virgin and lived well. "The Half-Boy" folktale is an old story spread throughout the country. There are similar stories in India and Africa. Unilateral figures are universally distributed archetypal images. In numerous cultures gods and spirits are being portrayed as unilateral figures. In the creation mythology, half-figure beings have immortality. In Indonesian and African folk tales, the half-born boy goes to heaven and merges with its half and becomes perfect. Some of one-sided spirits are harmful to humans but some of one-sided birds, chickens, and spirits are helpful to people. Sometimes half being is a cultural hero who steals grain from heaven or gets some advice how to use bamboo. There are stories that half body becomes a whole body afterwards. But in this folktale and most of the similar folktales, half-figure does not change and maintains half-figure to the end. And as a half-figure he does various great things and marries a virgin. The half-boy symbolizes a psychic experience born in the unconscious. The unconscious contents may seem strange and weird at first and the collective consciousness does not want to accept them. But the unconscious exerts greater power and brings vitality and creativity to consciousness. This folk tale seems to have compensated for the stubborn collective consciousness of our society, which was a Confucian class society. It also allows people to change their attitude toward disabled people and recognize strengths and creativity of the handicapped.

Coniunctio Oppositorum in Korean Fairytale - <Gurungdungdung Sin Seonbi> - (한국 민담에 나타난 대극의 합일 - <구렁덩덩 신 선비> 중심으로 -)

  • Youkyeng Lee
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.27 no.1_2
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    • pp.1-27
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    • 2012
  • It aims to deal with a topic of coniunctio oppositorum, hieros gamos in a Korean fairytale <Gurungdungdung Sin Seonbi>, in which a human heroine was marrying an animal husband. This Korean fairytale may be compared with Greek mythology <Eros and Psyche> introduced by Apuleius and <Dassingende springende Löweneckerchen> collected by Grimm Brothers. All these fairytales commonly tell that animal husband figures have divine nature. Because animals live their lives totally obeying instincts, the collective unconscious principles of species are completely accomplished. The animal nature excludes ecocentric attitude so that it has transpersonal divinity. The hero is transformed into an animal in the fairytales, which will provide an opportunity to change a one-sided exaggerated attitude of the ego consciousness and acquire universal humanity. During being an animal, the hero would have experienceds to recognize true meaning and value of other living creatures in nature and have attained wisdom of nature. The animal is a symbolic being who will realize value of collective and universal life so as to act therapeutically and contribute to the total personality, individuation processes. Animals in the fairytales correspond to the compensatory contents of the unconscious. Animal figure itself is opposite to the ego consciousness itself because the ego understands the unconscious contents like animal figures have instinctual impulse that the ego will not accept at all. Coniunctio oppositorum in the fairytales is going to show the ego's rendezvous processes to meet the unconscious. The fact that the hero turns into an animal or marries animal partner is a psychic event which greatly lowers under the level of ego consciousness. To overcome the state, it is essential for the hero to regain humanity or to transform animal partner into a human being. By the recovery of humanity or reaching the human level, compensation of the unconscious can be realized in the conscious life. In a Korean fairytale <Gurungdungdung Sin Seonbi>, male partner is a serpent but the heroine marries the serpent and make it cast off skin. Over sufferings and complishment of several tasks, heroine truly meets her husband. In this processes, the heroine obtains divinity. As result, her marriage to animal husband means hieros gamos. In this fairytale, we will be able to look through the ways how female ego-consciousness to make relations to the unconscious and to fulfill individuation.

A Study of Myth of King Heokgeose, the Founder of Shilla Dynasty from a Perspective of Analytical Psychology (신라 시조 혁거세왕 신화에 대한 분석심리학적 연구)

  • Sang Ick Han
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.28 no.1
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    • pp.50-87
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    • 2013
  • C. G. Jung believed that universal and basic condition of human's Unconscious comes out from Märchen or mythology. We can easily experience these universality of human nature in dreams. Therefore, It is very important to interpret mythogens that appear in myths and märchen in analytical psychology to understand these 'big dreams' which could be seen in clinical practice. As I was interested in interpreting myths in analytic psychology, I tried to find universality of archetypes in Korea's traditional folk tales and took note of the birth myth of Hyeokgeose, the founder of Shilla dynasty, while examining the chater of the Unsual in history in the Heritage of the Three Kingdoms. Shilla was founded earlier than two other countries, but it was located in the very south of the Korean Peninsula, and it was behind times in politically, militarily, and culturally compare to Goguryeo and Baekje. However, Shilla achieved unifying the Three Kingdoms and it lasted 1000 years, the longest unified history in Korean history. I tried to examine archetypes in the birth myth if there are any backgrounds that are related to finding a Shilla Kingdom. It is noted that myth of the founder of Korean Peninsula's small Kingdom Shilla has complete story from before the birth to birth, birth of spouse, growth, marriage, accession, governing, death, after death, and succession. Symbols such as numbers 1, 3, 5, 6, 7, 13 and 61, various azimuthes including north, west, south, east, and central, animals like tiger, white horse, hen, dragon, phoenix, and snakes, natures like main symbol egg, rock, gourd, lightening, spring water, stream, tree, forest, mountain, iron and goddess-image like seon-do Holy Mother gradually appears in the myth. These symbols could show a meaning of human experience such as birth of Conscious, growth and development of paternal and maternal love, and story of regeneration and extinction. Moreover, It could be seen as these progress eternally continues in next generation. I have found out that a word, a sentence or stories that looks meaningless in myth revealed its true symbolical meaning. In addition, interaction between Unconscious and Conscious repeats in different forms, and expressed in layered.

If This Brand Were a Person, or Anthropomorphism of Brands Through Packaging Stories (가설품패시인(假设品牌是人), 혹통과고사포장장품패의인화(或通过故事包装将品牌拟人化))

  • Kniazeva, Maria;Belk, Russell W.
    • Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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    • v.20 no.3
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    • pp.231-238
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    • 2010
  • The anthropomorphism of brands, defined as seeing human beings in brands (Puzakova, Kwak, and Rosereto, 2008) is the focus of this study. Specifically, the research objective is to understand the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike. By analyzing consumer readings of stories found on food product packages we intend to show how marketers and consumers humanize a spectrum of brands and create meanings. Our research question considers the possibility that a single brand may host multiple or single meanings, associations, and personalities for different consumers. We start by highlighting the theoretical and practical significance of our research, explain why we turn our attention to packages as vehicles of brand meaning transfer, then describe our qualitative methodology, discuss findings, and conclude with a discussion of managerial implications and directions for future studies. The study was designed to directly expose consumers to potential vehicles of brand meaning transfer and then engage these consumers in free verbal reflections on their perceived meanings. Specifically, we asked participants to read non-nutritional stories on selected branded food packages, in order to elicit data about received meanings. Packaging has yet to receive due attention in consumer research (Hine, 1995). Until now, attention has focused solely on its utilitarian function and has generated a body of research that has explored the impact of nutritional information and claims on consumer perceptions of products (e.g., Loureiro, McCluskey and Mittelhammer, 2002; Mazis and Raymond, 1997; Nayga, Lipinski and Savur, 1998; Wansik, 2003). An exception is a recent study that turns its attention to non-nutritional packaging narratives and treats them as cultural productions and vehicles for mythologizing the brand (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). The next step in this stream of research is to explore how such mythologizing activity affects brand personality perception and how these perceptions relate to consumers. These are the questions that our study aimed to address. We used in-depth interviews to help overcome the limitations of quantitative studies. Our convenience sample was formed with the objective of providing demographic and psychographic diversity in order to elicit variations in consumer reflections to food packaging stories. Our informants represent middle-class residents of the US and do not exhibit extreme alternative lifestyles described by Thompson as "cultural creatives" (2004). Nine people were individually interviewed on their food consumption preferences and behavior. Participants were asked to have a look at the twelve displayed food product packages and read all the textual information on the package, after which we continued with questions that focused on the consumer interpretations of the reading material (Scott and Batra, 2003). On average, each participant reflected on 4-5 packages. Our in-depth interviews lasted one to one and a half hours each. The interviews were tape recorded and transcribed, providing 140 pages of text. The products came from local grocery stores on the West Coast of the US and represented a basic range of food product categories, including snacks, canned foods, cereals, baby foods, and tea. The data were analyzed using procedures for developing grounded theory delineated by Strauss and Corbin (1998). As a result, our study does not support the notion of one brand/one personality as assumed by prior work. Thus, we reveal multiple brand personalities peacefully cohabiting in the same brand as seen by different consumers, despite marketer attempts to create more singular brand personalities. We extend Fournier's (1998) proposition, that one's life projects shape the intensity and nature of brand relationships. We find that these life projects also affect perceived brand personifications and meanings. While Fournier provides a conceptual framework that links together consumers’ life themes (Mick and Buhl, 1992) and relational roles assigned to anthropomorphized brands, we find that consumer life projects mold both the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike and the ways in which brands connect to consumers' existential concerns. We find two modes through which brands are anthropomorphized by our participants. First, brand personalities are created by seeing them through perceived demographic, psychographic, and social characteristics that are to some degree shared by consumers. Second, brands in our study further relate to consumers' existential concerns by either being blended with consumer personalities in order to connect to them (the brand as a friend, a family member, a next door neighbor) or by distancing themselves from the brand personalities and estranging them (the brand as a used car salesman, a "bunch of executives.") By focusing on food product packages, we illuminate a very specific, widely-used, but little-researched vehicle of marketing communication: brand storytelling. Recent work that has approached packages as mythmakers, finds it increasingly challenging for marketers to produce textual stories that link the personalities of products to the personalities of those consuming them, and suggests that "a multiplicity of building material for creating desired consumer myths is what a postmodern consumer arguably needs" (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). Used as vehicles for storytelling, food packages can exploit both rational and emotional approaches, offering consumers either a "lecture" or "drama" (Randazzo, 2006), myths (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007; Holt, 2004; Thompson, 2004), or meanings (McCracken, 2005) as necessary building blocks for anthropomorphizing their brands. The craft of giving birth to brand personalities is in the hands of writers/marketers and in the minds of readers/consumers who individually and sometimes idiosyncratically put a meaningful human face on a brand.