• Journal of the Korean Operations Research and Management Science Society
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.225-234
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• 1998

little attention has been given to the analysis of electronic democracy media, although electronic democracy, if adopted in Korea, is expected to enhance the quality of the political culture to a large extent. This research is to compare electronic democracy media, such as Internet, cable TV, teleconferencing, fax, and ARS and suggest recommendations on the successful Introduction strategy of electronic democracy in Korea. The analysis of collected data yields research findings, such as the fact that internet will be the most effective medium and a strategy for popularizing internet needes to be developed in advance.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.51
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• pp.136-155
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• 2010

Media diversity, coupled with the logic of competition in the global media market, has become a fashionable yet unfitting lingo of media policy in Korea. Media diversity has been fenced in the neoliberal economic logic of market competition and so tamed to consumers' free choice in the market. It is within this context that this article attempts to problematize narrowly-defined, market-oriented, and measurement-obssessed funtionalistic approaches to media diversity. In doing so, the article provides a critical overview of various definitions of media diversity. It also reveals how certain definitions, justifications, and measurements are legitimized and normalized in the name of science and objectivity. The core argument is that reflecting a larger neoliberal, deregulatory turn in media policy, media diversity has shifted from the pluralistic principle of democracy to the matter of free market choice or the myth thereof. It then focuses on the ongoing debate between state interventionists and free market liberals over the relationship between media ownership concentration and content diversity. Finally, it puts forth some recommendations as to how media diversity ought to be reconsidered as reformers' cultural politics, rather than marketeers' science, and discusses implications diversity has for deepening Korean democracy.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.271-303
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• 2023

In 1991, Malaysia, under the leadership of then-Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, launched an ambitious 30-year national development program known as Vision 2020. The goal of this program was to transform Malaysia into a First World developed nation by the year 2020. One of the aspirations of the program was to create a psychologically liberated, secure, ethical, and mature democratic society. Vision 2020 is a failure and Malaysia is still not a mature democracy. This article identifies four main areas that make up a flawed democracy practiced in Malaysia, and shows how they work against the country's aspirations to become a developed nation. The electoral system is rigged to help the incumbent remain in power. The widespread practices of money politics have become a curse to the country. The press and media organizations are restricted. Civil society activities are suppressed. As a result of these issues, Malaysia will not be able to achieve the status of a developed nation, lacking democratic accountability and inclusive institutions.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.7-39
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• 2016

This essay deals with the bulk of problems of media raised by social inequality. I attempted to examine the relationship between inequality and media/information. In adopting the method of political economy based on dialectical viewpoint, I argue that collaboration among Chaebol, media, power result in the media capitalism. This mode of production has brought about the decline of public service and democracy. It led the Korean industrial capitalism to media capitalism. This mechanism is a dominant but unfair system with grasping of wealth, power, information. The media capitalism, based on profit, privatizations, power monopoly, remains democracy and public service in retreat. Chaebol-media-power complex plays an important role in cementing the establishment. We are reminded how much the dominant system has deteriorated the public interests of the media market and information.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.295-327
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• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.488-504
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• 2021

This article examined the historical evolution of changes in the democratization of fashion, identified its characteristics, and defined 'fashionocracy - fashion democracy'- by analyzing various phenomena in the global fashion industry. This research will expand the field of fashion research and spark academic debates about fashion democracy. The democratization of fashion can be summarized in five periods; birth, introduction, early growth, growth, and maturity. The characteristics of the democratization of fashion include individual autonomy, accessibility that many people can access and enjoy, and diversity. According to the principles of democracy- "of the people, for the people, by the people" - which are based on freedom and equality, we have achieved fashion of the people and for the people so far. Furthermore, social media has shifted the balance of power to influencers and bloggers; as such, the masses who have consumed and enjoyed fashion democratization are becoming producers and promoters by actively participating in the process of making fashion, creating a new era of fashion democracy (fashionocracy): - by the people. Ultimately, fashionocracy consists of the '6P's' ; people (active and productive consumers), planet (society and environmental sustainability), products (genderless, ageless, inclusive), price (reasonable), place (multi-channel distribution, virtual spaces), and promotion (horizontal).

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.15-39
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• 2014

This research conducted a before/after naturalistic field experiment, with the early Arab Spring as the treatment. Compared to before the early Arab Spring, after the observation period the associations became stronger among the Web terms: 'Jihad, Sharia, innovation, democracy and civil society.' The Western concept of civil society transformed into a central Islamist ideological component. At another level, the inter-nation network based on Jihad-weighted Web hyperlinks between pairs of 46 Muslim Majority (MM) nations found Iran in one of the top two positions of flow betweenness centrality, a measure of network power, both before and after early Arab Spring. In contrast, Somalia, UAE, Egypt, Libya, and Sudan increased most in network flow betweenness centrality. The MM 'Jihad'-centric word co-occurrence network more than tripled in size, and the semantic structure more became entropic. This media "cloud" perhaps billowed as Islamist groups changed their material-level relationships and the corresponding media representations of Jihad among them changed after early Arab Spring. Future research could investigate various rival explanations for this naturalistic field experiment's findings.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.30
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• pp.89-119
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• 2005

The purpose of this essay is to converge the theory of communicative action Into the new paradigm of 'public relations democracy.' The notions of communicative action rationality, the public sphere, and deliberative democracy led new public relations paradigm approaches including meaning sharing, media access enlargement, and theoretical ramifications for the powerless. As Habermas prospected the power of comprehensive rationality to solve post-capitalist problems, the paradigm of public relations democracy visions the new era of public relations equipped with rhetorical and critical approaches. The new paradigm tries to overcome functional fallacy and embraces the concept of public interest. The paradigm of public relations democracy aims at integrating all three levels of public relations activities such as individual, organizational, and social levels, and pursues to enlarge the public sphere through increasing communicative actions and resolving social conflicts. Habermas's critical theory exhibits an opportunity for public relations theory building.