• Title/Summary/Keyword: imperial Japan

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Japan's excitement over the discovery of Gyeongju Geumgwanchong (Gold Crown Tomb) seen through high school textbooks published in 1922 during Japanese colonial period of Joseon (Korea) - Newly Excavated Artifacts of Gyeongju (濱田耕作: Kosaku Hamada) - (1922년 발행 고등보통학교 교과서를 통해 본 경주 금관총 발견에 따른 일본의 반응 - 경주의 신발굴품(濱田耕作: 하마다 코사쿠) -)

  • YOO, Woo Sik
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.1
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    • pp.199-222
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    • 2022
  • It has been 100 years since the excavation of Geumgwanchong (Gold Crown Tomb), a tomb that was accidentally discovered in Noseo-ri, Gyeongju at the end of September 1921 during Japanese colonial rule. Although it is known for its discovery, not only in the Korean Peninsula but also in Asia and beyond, the excavation report was published in Japanese and English by the Government-General of Korea in 1924 and 1928, three years after the excavation. TOMB "KINKANTSUKA" or THE GOLD CROWN TOMB at KEISHU, AND ITS TREASURES) was published as a series of books and picture books. The excavation report was prepared by Kosaku Hamada (濱田耕作), who was a member of the Ruins Investigation Committee of the Japanese Government-General of Korea (later became the President of Kyoto Imperial University, Kyoto, Japan), and Sueji Umehara (梅原末治), who was commissioned to investigate the remains of the Japanese Government-General of Korea. In this paper, the preface was written in July 1922, about half a year after the excavation of tombs, which was much earlier than the official reports, in the 'Korean and Chinese reading book (稿本 高等朝鮮語及漢文讀本 巻五)' by Hamada Kosaku (濱田耕作) for high school students in Korea, which was titled 'New Excavated Artifacts in Gyeongju (慶州의 新發掘品)' with a subtitle '絶大의 發見', a slightly awkward expression in Korean, but it means 'a very big discovery'. The meaning has been introduced as a single unit, emphasizing its significance in terms of the achievements of the excavation of Geumgwanchong, academic and archaeological discoveries, and cultural history in Korean language rather than Japanese language. Since the manuscript was written immediately after the excavation, the excitement as an archaeological researcher at the time of the excavation and expectations for future research can be read as it is. In this paper, I would like to introduce the voice of the excited field leader of the Japanese Government-General of Korea after the excavation of Geumgwanchong in 2022, the 100th anniversary of the writing. In addition, the process from the discovery of the tomb to the preparation of the report was summarized in one chronological table to make it easier to understand the series of flows.

Japanese Buddhist Sculptures of Daehyusa Temple(大休寺) in Gimcheon(金泉) Enshrined in the Henjoin Temple(遍照院) in Daegu(大邱) from the Japanese Colonial Period (김천 대휴사(大休寺)의 일본 불교 존상과 일제강점기 대구 편조원(遍照院))

  • Bae, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.101
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    • pp.48-65
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    • 2022
  • Three Japanese Buddhist scuptures of Daehyusa temple in Gimcheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do province(慶尙北道) are enshrined in the main hall(本堂) of Henjoin temple in Daegu, an annex temple built by the Chisan School(智山派) of Shingi Shingon sect(新義眞言宗) in Daegu around 1910 when the Japanese colonial period began. The following statues are believed to have been made around this time: the Statue of Kobo daishi(弘法大師像), which is the figure of monk Kukai(空海, 774-835), the founder of the Shingon sect(眞言宗) of Japan, and the Statue of Dainichi nyorai(大日如來像) and the Statue of Fudo myo-o(不動明王像), which are notable sculptures representing the thought and belief of the Shingon sect. Most statues identified of Dainichi nyorai, Kobo daishi, and Fudo myo-o from the Japanese colonial period thus far are rock-carved statues or stone statues. The statues of Daehyusa temple are noteworthy in that they are the first discovered Japanese Buddhist sculptures made of wood, known to have been enshrined in Japanese temples. Furthermore, they are valuable sources that can provide clues to the religious atmosphere of the temples of Chisan School of Shingi Shingon sect at the time. Although these statues have formative features that partially reflect modern aesthetics, their iconographic origins date back to the Heian period(平安時代, 794-1185). In other words, the Statue of Dainichi nyorai inherits the religious tradition of the Statue of Dainichi nyorai, which was created by monk Kakuban(覺鑁, 1095-1143), the founder of the Shingi Shingon sect. The Statue of Kobo daishi follows the Shinnyo Shinno(眞如親王) style founded by Monk-Imperial Prince Shinnyo who was a disciple of monk Kukai. The Statue of Fudo myo-o manifests the Genjo(玄祖) style among the statues of Fudo myo-o. Although not much is known about how the statues were enshrined in the Henjoin temple in Daegu during the Japanese colonial period, it is very likely that these statues were created as Shingi Shingon sect's statue of three-wheeled body(三輪身). That is, it is estimated that the Statue of Dainichi nyorai, Statue of Kobo daishi, and Statue of Fudo myo-o have the characteristics of the body of self-nature chakra(自性輪身), the body of great dharma chakra(正法輪身), and the body of order chakra(敎令輪身), respectively. The fact that the statue of three-wheeled body was established in the Shingon sect in Japan by monk Kakuban also lends credence to this possibility. It is thought that people who came to the Henjoin temple in Daegu worshiped the statue of three-wheeled body to understand the teachings of the Dainichi nyorai. Although it is the case of Sildalsa Temple (悉達寺, the successor of Henjoin temple in Daegu) in the first half of the 1950s, the main hall includes features that reinforce the idea that the tradition of Kobo daisi faith(弘法大師信仰) is passed on. To illustrate, the human skeletal remains in the main hall of Sildalsa Temple reflect Koyasan(高野山)'s tradition in laying ashes to rest, which has been popular in conjunction with the Kobo daishi faith in Japan since the 11th century.

A Revisit to the Forest Policy of Korea during the Period of 1906-1910 under the Spheres of Influence of Japan - With a Special Reference to an Attempted Incident of Wando Bongsan - (통감부시기(統監府時期)(1906-1910)의 삼림정책(森林政策)에 관한 고찰(考察) - 완도봉산(封山) 불하미수사건을 중심으로 -)

  • Bae, Jae Soo;Youn, Yeo Chang
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.84 no.1
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    • pp.48-62
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    • 1995
  • In the paper, the forest policy of Korea during the period of 1906 to 1910 under the spheres of Japanese influence was revisited by considering the incident of attempting sales of the old Crown forest reserve in Wando to a Japanese business man with a failure and the national forest policies of the Residence General in Korea of the Japanese Imperial. The factors, both the internal and external, behind the scene of the incident are considered for the explanation for the development of the incident with the forest reserve in Wando. The forest policy during the period considered involves the exploitation of virgin forests in the northern provinces near the rivers bordered with China and Russia, the introduction of forest law, which is the first modern regulation enacted with the heavy influence of the Japanese interest in the colonization of Korea. The intentions of the Japanese Colonial Power for the exploitation of forest resources in Korea were interpreted by investigating the report on the situation of forest ownership in Korea prepared by Japanese forest officers who surveyed the Korean forest areas by sampling just before the beginning of colonization.

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Remixed Sense of Place in Deoksugung(Kyungungung) - Since After the Daehan Empire Era' - (덕수궁(경운궁)의 혼재된 장소성에 관한 연구 - 대한제국시기 이후를 중심으로 -)

  • Han, So-Young;Zoh, Kyung-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.28 no.2
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    • pp.45-56
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    • 2010
  • This study is dealing with Deoksugung around the founding of the Daehan Empire Era. It will looks closely into how locational contexts and sense of place have been changed according to the subject's view point and the interpretation of text community until Deoksugung is changed into citizen-oriented public place vested with the meaning of public park. In conclusion, Deoksugung was a place for suffering and sorrows, but also it was a place for ceaseless attempt to pursue of the recovery of past without loosing hope. As in the case of uprising war like Japanese invasion of Korea (Imjin Yeran) or Cheong Japan War, Deoksugung was an importantly historical place where autocrat temporarily stayed to stand up for the war and moreover, it was an imperial palace where the ambivalent sensibility between suffering and hope are intermingled in the very first Korean Empire in history. Unlike Kyeongbokgung and Changdeokgung, the current Deoksugung has changed its boundary from time to time since Japanese invasion of Korea up to the present. Deoksugung has evolved the present situation as endlessly changing its boundary by interacting with the neighbor of Kyungungung. The more complicated sense of place is coexisted in the features of the Deoksugung. Therefore, current hot topics concerning restoration project of Deoksugung is much more difficult than of other palaces. This issues should be carefully dealt with beyond the political interests.

The Kokutai Theology of State Shinto and Notion of Public-Private : Focusing on Kokutai no Hongi (국가신도의 국체신학과 공사(公私)관념: 《국체의 본의》를 중심으로)

  • Park, Kyutae
    • The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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    • no.26
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    • pp.150-193
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    • 2014
  • The point in the thought of modern Japanese State Shinto(國家神道) liesin the concept of "kokutai"(國體) which was highly connected with theideology of Emperor system. The kokutai, mainly made up of "the oracle byAmaterasu blessing Japan to be as eternal as heaven and earth"(天壤無窮の神勅), "an unbroken line of Emperors"(萬世一系), and the notion of"Emperor as living God"(現人神), was clearly manifested at Kokutai noHongi(國體の本義), published by the Ministry of Education, Science andCulture 1n 1937. Then, the notion of public-private represented by "selflessdevotion"(滅私奉公) was the prevailing substance of that kokutai. Thepurpose of this essay is to examine the way how the "theology of kokutai" -kokutai ideology based upon such a notion of public-private represented by"selfless devotion" - had been described at Kokutai no Hongi, and tounderstand the mythological, theological meaning of that "theology ofkokutai" associated with the religiosity of State Shinto. Additionally, this essaywill explore a kind of aesthetical way how to reproduce the State Shinto incontemporary Japanese society from the perspective of "collusion betweenpublic and private". In doing so, this paper will pay attention to the principaltexts of State Shinto such as Meiji Constitution(大日本帝國憲法, 1889),Imperial Rescript on Education(敎育勅語, 1890), Kamunagara no Taido(惟神の大道, 1940), Shinmin no Michi(臣民の道, 1941), Kokushi Kaisetsu(國史槪說, 1943), and Jinja Hongi(神社本義,1944), including Kokutai no Hongi.

The Checking the Validity of 'Nongak' and 'Pungmul', and Objection to the Criticism of 'Nongak' ('농악(農樂)'과 '풍물(風物)'의 타당성 검토와 '농악(農樂)' 비판에 대한 반론)

  • Kim, Jeong Heon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.96-111
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    • 2009
  • This essay is a study aimed at rationality and utility of two terms, 'Nongak' and 'Pungmul'. I examined how the terms have been today, by diachrony based on review of historical material. I tried to secure the historical context and basis about my argument, quoting many historical material from Korea Dynasty period, Joseon Dynasty period and the colonial period of the imperial Japan during 1910-45 to today. I examined many objective arguments about the 'Nongak', and pointed out the mistake of the objective argument. And I examined the means and rationality of the terms, 'Nongak', 'Pungmul', 'Pungmulgut', 'Pungmulnory'. The 'Pungmul' has been used as the means of instrument for a long time from Joseon Dynasty period. It is only rational using as the means of instrument but as the means of Performance of Nongak considering the historical legitimacy. The 'Pungmul' is Sino-Korean word, not korean native letter. The Pungmulgut means the 'ritual by Pungmul', so it can be recognized the rationality, but have a weak point that it is a neologism being made by some intellectuals in 1980s. In addition to, it is not used im performing field. 'Pungmulnory' has a limit to call the Nongak as a synthetic art. 'Nongak'means a synthetic art that farmers who were absolute majority in agrarian society of Korea have made and developed. So I conclude that 'Nongak'is the best rational term.

The Facets of Photographic Records on Korea in Modern Era (조선말과 대한제국 시기 사진기록물의 성격과 생산, 유통 과정)

  • Park, Ju Seok
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.62
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    • pp.225-258
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    • 2019
  • Since the opening of Joseon in 1876, the photographic records of the late Joseon Dynasty and the period of the Korean Empire exist more than expected, considering the technological level and the social situations at that time. Photographs related to Korea can be distributed in various forms, such as illustrations of books printed to introduce Korea to Western society, plates of graphic journalism like newspapers or magazines, vintage prints, photo-postcards, stereo-photographs, card-type photographs, and lantern slides. There are still a great deal left in various archives of the Europe, America, Japan and Korea. According to related researchers, Korean-related photographs taken between 1863 and 1910, since Koreans were first photographed, were at least 3,000 to 4,000 cuts and the photo postcards issued was 25,000. It is said that most of them exist. This paper categorizes two ways of producing and distributing photographic records related to Korea, which were early modern times. The subjects of the photographs are clearly Korea or Koreans, but most of the producers of these photographs were Westerners and Japanese, who were imperial servants of imperialism. In the case of photography, there is a great possibility of distortion of the facts depending on the needs or perspectives of the producers. In order to correct the distortion, not only the contents of the photograph but also the intention of the producer, the production and the communication status should be grasped. This is because the problem of reading photograph records accurately and fairly in an age where there is no real experience is the cornerstone for understanding modern Korea correctly and broadly studying the Modern History of Korea.

Research on Shumi-sen, Built by Baekjae Nohjagong - Excavation of Japanese Stone God Ruins, Centered on Mt. Sumeru Stone - (백제 노자공이 조성한 수미산에 대한 연구 - 일본 석신유적에서 발굴된 수미산석을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Kyu-Wan
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.5
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    • pp.113-121
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    • 2010
  • Shumi-sen(須彌山), built by Nohjagong(路子工) in the southern garden of the Palace Garden during the Asuka Period, is understood as being Sumeru based on an Indian perspective of the theory of the origin of universe. It is also viewed as Mt. Myogoh from a Chinese Buddhist worldview. It is thought to be a type of assembled stone structure with Poong-ryoon (風輪)-Su-ryoon(水輪)-Geum-ryoon(金輪)-Ji-ryoon(地輪) carved into each of the 4 stone pieces. These building shapes are thought to have been utilized as stone for exterior construction as opposed to those structures built during the Shilla Period of China and Korea. Aside from Nohjagong's record of Shumi-sen, most of the records from Japan's period of the time suggest that Shumi-sen was an important element that played a role in the scenery of the seasonal outdoor gardens. It is also thought, from the sentences and expressions surrounding the records, that a combination of the seasonal sceneries was utilized centered on Shumi-sen, and that they were all used during festival events. From a perspective of analysis and interpretation dependent on the limited literature and on observation, it cannot be verified whether the Mt. Sumeru Stone(須彌山石) excavated from the Stone God Ruins is the same Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built along with Okyo(吳橋), but it is thought that the 'Shumi-sen type stone structure' that was later built repeatedly as part of the palace garden facilities is identical to the Shumi-sen built at the Imperial Palace's southern garden, or at least a re-built structure based on the Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built with stones and ponds used to create the foundation. Thus, Shumi-sen that Nohjagong supposedly built along with Okyo is suspected to be a figurative rock arrangement and, at the same time, a miniaturized scenic rock arrangement(縮景樹石) that maximized the shape of Buddhism's Shumi-sen. On the other hand, the surface pattern on Mt. Sumeru Stone is very similar to the multi -layers of mountainous pattern icons expressed in the patterns of the Great Golden Incense Burner(百濟金銅大香爐) or Mountain-Water Scenery Sculptural Brick(山水山景紋?) that were built during the Baekjae pcriod aod the rear side of Hwalsuk-jebul Basal Byungipsang(滑石諸佛菩薩竝立像); it is suspected that similar patterns would have been used if patterns were made on Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built. Also in consideration of the physical theory of MI. Sumeru Stone, the Siphon theory of using a pressure difference in water level was applied to the fountain facilities of Mt. Sumeru Stone that seemed to have been built from the practical rock arrangement perspective for the purpose of feasts, etc.

The history of awareness for ginseng in Vietnam (베트남의 고려인삼 인식에 대한 소고)

  • Ock, Soonjong
    • Journal of Ginseng Culture
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    • v.1
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    • pp.78-92
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    • 2019
  • Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam had the most cultural exchange with Korea. Through Confusion and Chinese character, which were the common measure for two countries, Korea and Vietnam could communicate and share a sentiment with each other. Two countries showed an enormous interest in each other, and hence they could keep good relationship without official diplomatic relations. During the early 19th century, Korean Ginseng had gained tremendous popularity in Vietnam. Vietnamese believed the stamina of Minh Mang, who had 142 sons and daughters, originated from ginseng. Minh Mang bestowed ginseng on old courtiers for their contribution, which made them more loyal to the king. This tradition was inherited to the future generations, and soldiers who fought with Thai, Cambodia and France also received ginseng for their contribution. In other words, ginseng was the very important key for enforcement of patriotism. Due to the tradition, Korean ginseng has been considered as the premium ginseng in Vietnam. It is presumed that ginseng flew into Vietnam through 4 routes; 1) as an imperial gift from Chinese emperor, 2) by the Vietnamese ambassadors who went to Beijing for a tribute, 3) through private trade and 4) from Ryukyu or Japan, which were the hub of international trade. From 15th to 18th century, ambassadors from Chosun and Vietnam actively interacted in Beijing. Through their interchange, Vietnamese royal family could learn about the value of ginseng. The fact that there were many Shilhak scholars among the ambassadors from Joseon, such as Seo Geojeong and Seo Hosu who had profound knowledge of ginseng proves the theory. It is also possible that reputation of ginseng was already established in Vietnam during Silla period. Ko Byung, an bureaucrat from Tang Dynasty who ruled Vietnam for 10 years in middle 9th century and a friend of Choi Chiwon, might have delivered the knowledge of ginseng to the upper class in Vietnam. This hypothesis, however, should be proven by literatures. Hence, further research about the trace of Korean ginseng in Vietnamese history and literary works still remains to be done.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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