• Title/Summary/Keyword: iconography

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Scientific Analysis of the Historical Characteristics and Painting Pigments of Gwaebultaeng in Boeun Beopjusa Temple (보은 법주사 <괘불탱>의 미술사적 특징과 채색 안료의 과학적 분석 연구)

  • Lee, Jang-jon;Gyeong, Yu-jin;Lee, Jong-su;Seo, Min-seok
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.4
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    • pp.226-245
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    • 2019
  • Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng (Large Buddhist Painting), designated as Treasure No. 1259, was painted in 1766 and featured Yeorae (Buddha) at the center in the style of a single figure. It is the longest existing buddhist painting and was created by Duhun, a painter who was representative of 18th century Korean artists. His other remaining work is Seokgayeorae Gwaebultaeng (1767) in Tongdosa Temple. Considering their same iconography, they are assumed to have used the same underdrawing. Duhun had a superb ability to maintain a consistent underdrawing, while most painters changed theirs within a year. The Beopjusa painting carries significance because it was not only painted earlier than the one in Tongdosa, but also indicates possible relevance to the royal family through its records. Beopjusa Temple is also the site of Seonhuigung Wondang, a shrine housing the spirit tablet of Lady Yi Youngbin, also known as Lady Seonhui. Having been built only a year before Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng was painted, it served as a basis for the presumption that it has a connection to the royal family. In particular, a group of unmarried women is noticeable in the record of Beopjusa painting. The names of some people, including Ms. Lee, born in the year of Gyengjin, are recorded on the Bonginsa Temple Building, the construction of which Lady Yi Youngbin and Princess Hwawan donated money to. In this regard, they are probably court ladies related to Lady Yi Youngbin. The connection of Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng with the royal family is also verified by a prayer at the bottom of the painting, reading "JusangJusamJeonhaSumanse (主上主三殿下壽萬歲, May the king live forever)." While looking into the historical characteristics of this art, this study took an approach based on scientific analysis. Damages to Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng include: bending, folding, wrinkles, stains due to moisture, pigment spalling, point-shaped pigment spalling, and pigment penetration to the lining paper at the back. According to the results of an analysis of the painting pigments, white lead was used as a white pigment, while an ink stick and indigo were used for black. For red, cinnabar and minium were used independently or were combined. For purple, organic pigments seem to have been used. For yellow, white lead and gamboge were mixed, or gamboge was painted over white lead, and gold foil was adopted for storage. As a green pigment, atacamite or a mixture of atacamite and malachite was used. Azurite and smalt were used separately or together as blue pigments.

The Stone Buddha Statue of Sangunsa Temple at Bukhansan in Goyang, Gyeonggi Province (고양 상운사 석불좌상과 조선 전기 조각 양식의 전통과 모색)

  • Shim, Yeoung shin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.4
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    • pp.246-263
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    • 2019
  • The stone Buddha statue of Sangunsa Temple at Bukhansan in Goyang, Gyeonggi Province, is an excellent example of stone Buddha statues created in the late 15th century. On the base of the figure, there is an inscription, which informs that it was produced in 1497. In recognition of this significance, it was recently designated as a tangible cultural asset in Gyeonggi-do. Thus, this paper tried to evaluate the value of the statue by analyzing iconography and style. The characteristics of a typical 15th-century style that the Buddha statue of Sangunsa Temple shows are the form of ushnisha, the way clothes are worn, the form of a w-shaped chest muscle, and the simple lotus pedestal. On the other hand, the elongation of the waist and the disappearance of the waistband on undergarments are new forms of Buddha statues in the 16th century. Besides, parting the hair in the middle of the head and leaf-shaped short ribbon draped on undergarments are unique features that only appear on the statue of Sangunsa Temple. Sangunsa has been known to be built in the early 18th century based on Bukanji compiled by Seongneung in 1745, and Bongeunbonmalsaji composed in 1943. However, the statue was created in the late 15th century, before the establishment of the temple in the early 18th century. Therefore, this paper briefly reviewed the history of Sangunsa Temple, focusing on the initial period, referring to the historical sites and the relics that were passed on to the temple, as well as the literature records. The data newly referred to in the study are as follows: Sangunsa Stone Pagoda, presumed to be from the Goryeo Dynasty; the Stone Buddha Statue of Sangunsa; Wooden Amita Triad Buddha Statue of Sangunsa. According to the data and contrary to previously-held beliefs, Sangunsa Temple is believed to have been operating since the Goryeo Dynasty. It can be inferred through analysis of the stone Buddha statue of Sangunsa Temple that the size of the Temple before the 18th century was not very large.

A Preliminary research on Sixth-century Wooden Buddha Images from Funan (6세기 푸난 목조불상에 대한 시론(試論))

  • Noh, Namhee
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.99
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    • pp.10-29
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    • 2021
  • This paper is an introductory study of the wooden Buddha images excavated in the Mekong Delta in present-day southern Vietnam. Approximately thirty examples of wooden Buddha images have been recovered in the Mekong Delta. As they were found among the major historic sites of Funan (the first kingdom in Southeast Asia), including Oc Eo, and likely date to the sixth century, they can be regarded as the works of Funan. Similarly to stone Buddha images, these wooden examples are considered important for their demonstration of aspects of early Buddhist sculpture in Southeast Asia. Most of these Funan wooden Buddha images are presumed to have been produced around the sixth century based on radiocarbon dating and their stylistic characteristics. This paper analyzed the iconography and style of eight examples whose forms are relatively recognizable. The eight images can be divided into four types according to their postures, dress styles, and hand gestures. They all share features of the Sarnath style of the Gupta period in India as seen in their slender bodies and the outer robe that clings to the body. However, some display a South Indian style of Buddha images in their upright posture, style of wearing a monastic robe with the right shoulder exposed, and making the vitarka mudra (preaching gesture) that is often seen in Sri Lankan Buddha images. This suggests that Buddhist sculptors in Funan devised a new style by incorporating the principal styles of Indian Buddhist sculpture. Another notable feature of these Funan images is their material, namely, wood. While none of the contemporaneous Hindu sculptures discovered from the same historic sites are made of wood, numerous Buddhist sculptures are. This paper postulates that the use of wood in Buddhist sculptures was promoted for reasons beyond ease of carving. According to the Buddhist literature, the first-ever Buddha image was the so-called 'Udayana image' made out of sandalwood. This image and its story was well-known in the Southern Dynasty of China around the sixth century. Interestingly, some auspicious sandalwood images of the Buddha was believed to have been brought into the Southern Dynasty from Funan. This suggests the possibility that the legend of the Udayana image might have been known in Funan as well and resulted in the production of wooden sculptures there.

A Study on the Special Technician Byeolganyeok(別看役) and the Statues of Auspicious Animals(Seosusang, 瑞獸像) : the Scale-covered animal form(鱗獸形) in Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮) (경복궁 인수형(鱗獸形) 서수상(瑞獸像)의 제작시기와 별간역(別看役) 연구)

  • Kim, Min-Kyu
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.1
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    • pp.66-81
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    • 2014
  • Burnt down during the Imjin War(壬辰倭亂) of 1592, Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮) remained in ruins until 1865, when in the second year of King Gojong's(高宗) reign, reconstruction work began. At the time, a royal protocol(uigwe, 儀軌) for the reconstruction was not produced. Instead, the Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary(Gyeongbokgung yeonggeon ilgi, 景福宮營建日記) records the reconstruction process from June to September of 1865. The contents of this diary reveal that the stone used in the construction was obtained from Ganghwa(江華), the Yeongpung field(映楓亭) just beyond Dongdaemun, and Samcheongdong(三淸洞), among other sites. In addition, selected stone remaining from the original Gyeongbokgung Palace site - such as that from the palace astronomical observatory(ganuidae, 簡儀臺) - as reused, while a number of buildings and stonework from Gyeonghuigung Palace(慶熙宮) were moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace. As a result, a number of $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century stonework are currently located at Gyeongbokgung Palace. The Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary contains a record indicating that the bronze dragon(靑銅龍) excavated from the lotus pond at the palace's Gyeonghoeru Pavilion(慶會樓) was created by special technician byeolganyeok(別看役) Kim Jae-su(金在洙) in 1865 for the symbolic purpose of protecting the palace from fire. The diary also reveals that among Kim Jae-su and the other special technicians(byeolganyeok) tasked with the installation and oversight of the palace stonework was Lee Se-ok(李世玉) - aid to have created the haechi statue at Gwanghwamun Gate. This indicates that there were men of court painter(hwawon, 畵員) background among the construction special technicians(byeolganyeok). Moreover, the diary records the names of the stoneworkers(seokjang, 石匠) who worked under these special technicians to actually carve the stonework. These included Jang Seong-bok(張聖福), who participated in the creation of the Geunjeongjeon Hall(勤政殿); and Kim Jin-myeong(金振明), who took part in the construction of Gwanghwamun Gate(光化門). Based on these results, it is possible to identify a number of special iconographic features of the scale-covered animal form(insuhyeong, 鱗獸形) auspicious animal statues at Gyeongbokgung Palace. These include a protruding mouth and large nose, formalized ears, and a mane along the back. Comparing these iconographic features with those found in the stonework of Joseon tombs makes it clear that these palace statues were created in the latter half of the $19^{th}$ century - the period corresponding to Gojong's palace reconstruction. This study was able to confirm that this iconography was taken up by the Gyeongbokgung Palace construction special technicians(byeolganyeok) and stoneworkers(seokjang) as they worked on tomb stonework earlier in their careers.

Collaboration Between the Buhyu Monk Clan and the Uigyeom School of Monk Artists in the Late Joseon Dynasty: Buddhist Paintings for Songgwangsa Temple in Suncheon (조선(朝鮮) 후기(後期) 부휴문중(浮休門中)의 불사(佛事)와 의겸파(義謙派) 불화(佛畫) -순천(順天) 송광사(松廣寺) 불화(佛畫) 조성(造成) 불사(佛事)를 중심으로-)

  • Kim, Dayoung
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.98
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    • pp.154-175
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    • 2020
  • Most Korean Buddhist paintings from the late Joseon period were produced through collaborative projects (bulsa) between clans of Buddhist monks and monk artists (hwaseung), in which the monk clans would select themes and iconography for works that would then be produced by the artists and their school. Thus, any attempt to understand the Buddhist paintings of this period must consider not only the stylistic characteristics of the monk artists, but also the conditions at the respective temple at the time of production. Applying this methodology, this paper examines the collaboration between the Buhyu monk clan and the monk artist Uigyeom and his fellow artists (hereinafter, the "Uigyeom School") that took place in Honam (湖南) and surrounding areas in the eighteenth century. In particular, the paper reveals the strong influence that the Buhyu clan exerted on paintings that the Uigyeom School produced in 1724 and 1725 at Songgwangsa Temple, the clan's main temple. Following the paintings for Songgwangsa Temple, the Uigyeom School actively participated in similar projects at regional temples under the auspices of the Buhyu clan in Honam, Hoseo (湖西), and Yeongnam (嶺南). Consequently, the Buhyu clan granted Uigyeom several honorable titles-including "Hoseon" (毫仙), "Jonsuk" (尊宿), and "Daejeonggyeong" (大正經)-that were rarely conferred to a monk artist. Such acclaim helped Uigyeom's style of Buddhist painting to become widespread throughout the three southern provinces of Korea. The paintings for Songgwangsa Temple exemplify how the Buhyu clan and Uigyeom School collaborated to visualize the thoughts and philosophies of the Buhyu clan. For the Uigyeom School, this project served as the foundation for building the reputation and esteem of Uigyeom, who became one of the most esteemed and influential monk artists of the late Joseon period. As such, the paintings created for Songgwangsa Temple in 1724 and 1725 have great significance not only for Korean Buddhism, but also for art history in general.

The History of the Josadang and Its Meaning as Seen Through the Murals of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa, Yeoungju (부석사 조사당 신장 벽화를 통해 본 조사당 건립의 배경과 의미)

  • SHIM Yeoung Shin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.64-78
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    • 2023
  • This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.

Guanyin Faith in the Hangzhou Area during the Tang and Song Dynasties (당·송대 항주지역의 관음신앙)

  • Kim Sung-soon
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.46
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    • pp.123-152
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    • 2023
  • This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

A Study on Garden Design Principles in "Sakuteiki(作庭記)" - Focused on the "Fungsu Theory"(風水論) - (「사쿠테이키(作庭記)」의 작정원리 연구 - 풍수론(風水論)을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Seung-Yoon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.41 no.6
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    • pp.1-19
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    • 2013
  • This study tries to review 'Sakuteiki(作庭記)', the Book of Garden Making, compiled at the end of the 11th Century during the Heian Period of Japan, from the East-Asian perspective. 'Sakuteiki' is a Garden Theory Book, the oldest in the world as well as in Asia, and it contains the traditional knowledge of Japanese ancient garden culture, which originated from the continent(Korea and China). Traditional knowledge related to East-Asian garden culture reviewed in this paper is "Fungsu Theory"(風水, Asian traditional ecology: Fengshui in Chinese; Fusui in Japanese), stemmed from the culture to seek sound and blessed places to live in. Viewed from modern landscape architecture, the Fungsu Theory corresponds to ecology(science). The Fungsu Theory was established around the Han Dynasty of China together with the Yinyangwuxing(陰陽五行) Theory and widely used for making human residences including gardens. It was transmitted to Japan via Korea as well as through direct transaction between Japan and China. This study reinterprets garden design principles represented in Sakuteiki, which were selected in 5 key words according to the Fungsu Theory. The 5 key words for the Fungsu Theory are "the place in harmony of four guardian gods(四神相應地)", "planting trees in the four cardinal directions", "flow of Chi(氣)", "curved line and asymmetry", and "mountain is the king, water is the people". Garden design principles of "the place in harmony of four guardian gods(四神相應地)" and "planting trees in the four cardinal directions" are corresponding to "Myeongdang-ron(明堂論, Theory of propitious site)". The place in harmony of four guardian gods mentioned in Sakuteiki is a landform surrounded by the flow of water to the east, the great path to the west, the pond to the south, and the hill to the north. And the Theory originated from Zhaijing(宅經, Classic of dwelling Sites) of China. According to this principle, the city was planned and as a miniature model, the residence of the aristocrat during the Heian period was made. At the residence the location of the garden surrounded by the four gods(the flow of water, the great path, the pond, and the hill) is the Myeongdang(明堂, the propitious site: Mingtang in Chinese; Meido in Japanese). Sakuteiki explains how to substitute for the four gods by planting trees in the four cardinal directions when they were not given by nature. This way of planting originated from Zhaijing(宅經) and also goes back to Qiminyaoshu (齊民要術), compiled in the 6th Century of China. In this way of planting, the number of trees suggested in Sakuteiki is related to Hetu(河圖) and Luoshu(洛書), which are iconography of Yi(易), the philosophy of change, in ancient China. Such way of planting corresponds to that of Yongdoseo(龍圖墅, the villa based on the principle of Hetu) presented in Sanrimgyeongje (山林經濟), an encyclopedia on agriculture and living in the 17th Century of Korea. And garden design principles of "the flow of Chi(氣)", "curved line and asymmetry" is connected to "Saenggi Theory(生氣論, Theory of vitality)". Sakuteiki explains the right flow of Chi(氣) through the proper flow and the reverse flow of the garden stream and also suggests the curved line of the garden stream, asymmetric arrangement of bridges and stones in the garden, and indented shape of pond edges, which are ways of accumulating Chi(氣) and therefore lead to "Saenggi Theory" of the Fungsu Theory. The last design principle, "mountain is the king, water is the people", is related to "Hyeongguk Theory(形局論, Theory of form)" of the Fungsu Theory. Sakuteiki explains the meaning of garden through a metaphor, which views mountain as king, water as the people, and stones as king's retainers. It compares the situation in which the king governs the people with the help of his retainers to the ecological phenomena in which mountain(earth) controls water with the help of stones. This principle befits "Hyeongguk Theory(形局論, Theory of form)" of the Fungsu Theory which explains landform on the analogy of social systems, people, animals and things. As above, major garden design principles represented in Sakuteiki can be interpreted in the context of the Fungsu Theory, the traditional knowledge system in East Asia. Therefore, we can find the significance of Sakuteiki in that the wisdom of ancient garden culture in East-Asia was integrated in it, although it described the knowhow of a specific garden style in a specific period of Japan.

A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple (용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토)

  • Kang, Kwanshik
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.14-54
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    • 2020
  • The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

The State Hermitage Museum·Northwest University for Nationalities·Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House, 2018 (아라사국립애이미탑십박물관(俄羅斯國立艾爾米塔什博物館)·서북민족대학(西北民族大學)·상해고적출판사(上海古籍出版社) 편(編) 『아장구자예술품(俄藏龜玆藝術品)』, 상해고적출판사(上海古籍出版社), 2018 (『러시아 소장 쿠차 예술품』))

  • Min, Byung-Hoon
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.98
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    • pp.226-241
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    • 2020
  • Located on the right side of the third floor of the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, the "Art of Central Asia" exhibition boasts the world's finest collection of artworks and artifacts from the Silk Road. Every item in the collection has been classified by region, and many of them were collected in the early twentieth century through archaeological surveys led by Russia's Pyotr Kozlov, Mikhail Berezovsky, and Sergey Oldenburg. Some of these artifacts have been presented around the world through special exhibitions held in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Korea, Japan, and elsewhere. The fruits of Russia's Silk Road expeditions were also on full display in the 2008 exhibition The Caves of One Thousand Buddhas - Russian Expeditions on the Silk Route on the Occasion of 190 Years of the Asiatic Museum, held at the Hermitage Museum. Published in 2018 by the Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House in collaboration with the Hermitage Museum, Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia introduces the Hermitage's collection of artifacts from the Kuche (or Kucha) region. While the book focuses exclusively on artifacts excavated from the Kuche area, it also includes valuable on-site photos and sketches from the Russian expeditions, thus helping to enhance readers' overall understanding of the characteristics of Kuche art within the Buddhist art of Central Asia. The book was compiled by Dr. Kira Samosyuk, senior curator of the Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum, who also wrote the main article and the artifact descriptions. Dr. Samosyuk is an internationally renowned scholar of Central Asian Buddhist art, with a particular expertise in the art of Khara-Khoto and Xi-yu. In her article "The Art of the Kuche Buddhist Temples," Dr. Samosyuk provides an overview of Russia's Silk Road expeditions, before introducing the historical development of Kuche in the Buddhist era and the aspects of Buddhism transmitted to Kuche. She describes the murals and clay sculptures in the Buddhist grottoes, giving important details on their themes and issues with estimating their dates, and also explains how the temples operated as places of worship. In conclusion, Dr. Samosyuk argues that the Kuche region, while continuously engaging with various peoples in China and the nomadic world, developed its own independent Buddhist culture incorporating elements of Gandara, Hellenistic, Persian, and Chinese art and culture. Finally, she states that the culture of the Kuche region had a profound influence not only on the Tarim Basin, but also on the Buddhist grottoes of Dunhuang and the central region of China. A considerable portion of Dr. Samosyuk's article addresses efforts to estimate the date of the grottoes in the Kuche region. After citing various scholars' views on the dates of the murals, she argues that the Kizil grottoes likely began prior to the fifth century, which is at least 100 years earlier than most current estimates. This conclusion is reached by comparing the iconography of the armor depicted in the murals with related materials excavated from the surrounding area (such as items of Sogdian art). However, efforts to date the Buddhist grottoes of Kuche must take many factors into consideration, such as the geological characteristics of the caves, the themes and styles of the Buddhist paintings, the types of pigments used, and the clothing, hairstyles, and ornamentation of the depicted figures. Moreover, such interdisciplinary data must be studied within the context of Kuche's relations with nearby cultures. Scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating could also be applied for supplementary materials. The preface of Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia reveals that the catalog is the first volume covering the Hermitage Museum's collection of Kuche art, and that the next volume in the series will cover a large collection of mural fragments that were taken from Berlin during World War II. For many years, the whereabouts of these mural fragments were unknown to both the public and academia, but after restoration, the fragments were recently re-introduced to the public as part of the museum's permanent exhibition. We look forward to the next publication that focuses on these mural fragments, and also to future catalogs introducing the artifacts of Turpan and Khotan. Currently, fragments of the murals from the Kuche grottoes are scattered among various countries, including Russia, Germany, and Korea. With the publication of this catalog, it seems like an opportune time to publish a comprehensive catalog on the murals of the Kuche region, which represent a compelling mixture of East-West culture that reflects the overall characteristics of the region. A catalog that includes both the remaining murals of the Kizil grottoes and the fragments from different parts of the world could greatly enhance our understanding of the murals' original state. Such a book would hopefully include a more detailed and interdisciplinary discussion of the artifacts and murals, including scientific analyses of the pigments and other materials from the perspective of conservation science. With the ongoing rapid development in western China, the grotto murals are facing a serious crisis related to climate change and overcrowding in the oasis city of Xinjiang. To overcome this challenge, the cultural communities of China and other countries that possess advanced technology for conservation and restoration must begin working together to protect and restore the murals of the Silk Road grottoes. Moreover, centers for conservation science should be established to foster human resources and collect information. Compiling the data of Russian expeditions related to the grottoes of Kuche (among the results of Western archaeological surveys of the Silk Road in the early twentieth century), Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia represents an important contribution to research on Kuche's Buddhist art and the Silk Road, which will only be enhanced by a future volume introducing the mural fragments from Germany. As the new authoritative source for academic research on the artworks and artifacts of the Kuche region, the book also lays the groundwork for new directions for future studies on the Silk Road. Finally, the book is also quite significant for employing a new editing system that improves its academic clarity and convenience. In conclusion, Dr. Kira Samosyuk, who planned the publication, deserves tremendous praise for taking the research of Silk Road art to new heights.