• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.26
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• pp.33-62
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• 2010

Buddhism was introduced in the Korea Peninsula 1600 years ago, and now there are over 10 million believers in Korea. The systematic Management of Temple Records has a spiritual and cultural value in a rapidly changing modern society. This study proposes a better management system of Buddhist temple records for the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism. this system Not only supports transparency of religious affairs, but presents a way for a more effective management. in this study, I conducted a study on the national legislation for the preservation of buddhist temples and the local rules of religious affairs from the Jogye Order. Through this, I analyzed the problems of Buddhist records management. in the long term, to improve these problems, I purpose the establishment of temple archives be maintained by parish head offices. This study presents a retention schedule for this systematic establishment system. I present charts for the standard Buddhist records management that manage the total process systematically from the production of records to its discard. Also I present a general plan to prevent random defamation of Buddhist temple documents and impose a duty for preservation. I intend for this plan to be subject to discussion and tailored to the particular needs of temple reads. In creating these charts standard of Buddhist temple records management, I analyzed operating examples of foreign religious institutions and examined their retention periods. I also examined the retention periods and classification system from the Jogye Order. Then I presented ways for this management system to operate through computer programs. There is a need to establish a large scale management system to arrange the records of buddhist documents. We must enforce the duty of conserving records through the proposed management system. We need the system to manage even the local parish temple records through the proposed management system and the operation of the proposed archive system. This study presents research to from the basic of the preservation and the passing of traditional records to future generations. I also discovered the historical cultural and social value that these records contain. Systematically confirmed Buddhist temple records management will pave the way that these tangible and intangible cultural records handed down from history can be the cultural heritages. establishing a temple records management system will pave the way for these cultural records to be handed down to future generations as cultural heritages.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.185-221
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• 2018

This study examined the process of the formation of Deoneum, Sugungga(水宮歌), and its tendency of the change through the trace of the Pansori masters who worked in 19th century. The time that the main group of the Sugungga masters appeared in the Pansory history is estimated in early 19th century. The Sugungga masters in this time could be divided in two groups, one is the early days masters who worked in early 19th century and the other is the latter days masters who worked in middle and late 19th century. Kwon Sam-deuk(權三得), Song Heung-lok(宋興祿), Yeom Gyeo-dal(廉季達), and Shin Man-yeob(申萬葉) are the Sugungga masters who worked in early 19th century. By the records they left, I could confirm that they used the description about the dramatic characteristics in the work and Soritjo(Pansori master's tonality), like the appearance of 'Bangge(crab)' and 'Tiger', and particularly they developed which has the scene of the Rabbit's deceiving the Dragon King and Rabbit's return, 'Goandaejangja(寬大長者)', 'Gaja-Eoseoga', 'Sojinowha(笑指蘆花)', 'Apnae-Beodeuleun' and the scene of 'Rabbit's curse(the part that Rabbit curses Byeljubu)' etc. I could understand that the interest of the early days Pansori masters about Sugungga is on the characters and the latter part of the work. The separation of Dongpyeonje(東便制) and Seopyeonje(西便制) of Pansori was done in the middle and late 19th century. As the Dongpyeonje master, Song Wu-ryong(宋雨龍), Park Man-sun(朴萬順), Song Man-gab(宋萬甲), Shin Hak-jun(申鶴俊) and Yu Seong-jun(劉成俊) worked. As the Seopyeonje masters, Park Yu-jeon(朴裕全), Kim geo-bok(金巨福), Kim Su-yeong(金壽永) and Baek Gyeong-jun(白慶順) etc. sang Sugungga. The Dongpyeonje masters developed the 'Toggigibyeon(토끼奇變)' related Deoneum paying attention on the latter part of Sugungga same as the early days masters. Meanwhile it looks like that they had interest in developing the parts which belong to the middle and early parts of Sugungga like 'Toggiwhasang(토끼畵像)', 'Gogocheonbyeon(皐皐天邊)' and 'Tobyeolmundab(兎鱉問答)'. The Seopyeonje masters developed the parts belong to the early part of Sugungga, which are related to Dragon King and the courtiers in Sugung palace, like 'YongwangTansik(龍王歎息)'. And I could confirm that they developed the parts influenced by Shin Jaehyo's editorials like 'Tosahobi(兎死狐悲)' and 'Goguksancheon(故國山川)' etc. In short, I could confirm the trend that the Pansori masters in 19th century had interest in from the latter part to the early part of Sugungga. If taking a look focusing on main characters, they moved their interest in from Rabbit to the courtiers including Byeoljubu(鱉主簿) and Dragon King in Sugung palace, and it could say that, in this trend, Sori part and Deoneum were developed.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.55-68
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• 2020

The inscription found on buncheong ware (粉靑沙器, grayish-blue-powdered celadon) provides information on the bowl today, but in the past served as a device for controlling tributary payments (貢納) and the movement of government property (官物). The inscription had to be written or engraved clearly so that it could be recognizable to officials in charge of managing bowls. Such inscriptions offer important clues for contemporary research on buncheong ware. Buncheong Bowl with Stamped Design and Inscription of "Naeja" (內子) (bon 13808) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea bears a distinct inscription compared to other buncheong ware. Commonly, the inscription on buncheong indicated the name of the government office (官司名) to which the vessel belonged or the name of the place (地名) where the vessel was produced. However, the inscription "Naeja" on the buncheong bowl at the National Museum of Korea has no corresponding government office. "Naeja" is in fact a misspelling of Naeja (內資), meaning this bowl belonged to the Naejasi (內資寺, Royal Bureau of Procurement). Although "Naeja" (內子) was a misspelling of the intended Naeja (內資), it was still understood as a reference to the Naejasi since they were homophonic. Recently, buncheong ware with misspelled yet homophonous inscriptions have begun to be excavated in downtown Seoul. Examples including "Naeja" (內子) instead of Naeja (內資) and "Insu" (仁守) instead of Insu (仁壽) have been unearthed from historical sites in Seoul that functioned as consumption sites, meaning they were in fact circulated as government property despite the misspellings (whether accidental or the outcome of ignorance). Such misspelled yet homophonous inscriptions are characterized by the use of simple characters and a few sloppy strokes. Like other buncheong ware bearing the inscriptions of government office names, the bowls with the inscriptions of "Naeja" (內子) and "Insu" (仁守) were discovered at historical sites in Seoul. These misspelled homophonous inscriptions reveal that errors occurred during the process of engraving inscriptions on buncheong ware produced as a tributary payment during the early Joseon Dynasty and that buncheong ware with such errors were still distributed.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.48
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• pp.269-303
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• 2024

Donghak's teaching, In-nae-cheon, means "humans are divine." It is said, "When humans were formed, God's blessing was required for their formation." Donghak's Sincerity, Respectfulness, and Faithfulness is based on believing in God, respecting God, and practicing His teachings with utmost sincerity. These are key to implementing In-nae-cheon. On the other hand, the Three Essential Attitudes in Daesoon Thought, also Sincerity, Respectfulness, and Faithfulness, appear in a religious sense. These can be distinguished from Sincerity, Respectfulness, and Faithfulness in the Donghak moral sense. Sincerity, Respectfulness, and Faithfulness in the context of the Three Essential Attitudes in Daesoon Thought goes beyond moral awareness, and calls for belief in God as the Absolute. Accordingly, Sincerity, Respectfulness, and Faithfulness in this context, that of Daesoon Thought, aims at the realization of an Earthly Paradise wherein God's will can be achieved. Humans participating in the construction of Earthly Paradise value the practice of Sincerity, Respectfulness, and Faithfulness. In Daesoon Thought, it is said that when one exerts sincerity, respect, and faith in God (Sangje), all the blessings and fortune of the Later World, even those of longevity, will be endowed through transformation via effortless action (無爲而化). Accordingly, Sincerity, Respectfulness, and Faithfulness in the context of the Three Essential Attitudes in Daesoon Thought is based on God's descent into the world and His Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (天地公事). This is a religious faith that worships Sangje and is based on the doctrinal dimension of 'guarding against self-deception (毋自欺)' and the philosophical dimension of Sincerity, Respectfulness, and Faithfulness in the context of the Three Essential Attitudes in Daesoon Thought. Donghak's In-nae-cheon and the Three Essential Attitudes in Daesoon Thought can be compared and analyzed. Therefore, in order to clearly compare and analyze the moral significance of Donghak history and the religious meaning of Daesoon Thought, Roderick Ninian Smart's method of religious phenomenology can be actively used. In this way, the ethical and legal dimensions of Donghak's In-nae-cheon and the doctrinal and philosophical dimensions of the Three Essential Attitudes in Daesoon Thought can be compared and analyzed. From this style of research, it can be concluded that the realization of commonly shared spirituality can be an opportunity for greater human dignity.

• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.199-206
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• 2014

Purpose: There has been little research regarding the effectiveness of oseltamivir for influenza B infections. We sought to identify the different clinical manifestations between patients treated with and without oseltamivir. Methods: We retrospectively studied the medical records of 72 inpatients or outpatients from two medical centers diagnosed with influenza B infections by either a rapid antigen test or multiplex reverse transcriptase PCR between January 2012 and July 2012. We compared gender, age, past medical history, admission period, total fever duration, fever duration after hospitalization, post-oseltamivir medication peak temperature, laboratory test, chest X-ray, antibiotic medication, and the presence of concomitant viral or bacterial infections. Results: The number of subjects in our study was 72 who were diagnosed with influenza B pneumonia, acute bronchitis, acute bronchiolitis, croup, and mean age was $3.6{\pm}2.8$ year old. The demographic characteristics and clinical manifestations of oseltamivir and the non-oseltamivir groups, including hospitalization period ($4.18{\pm}2.10$ vs $4.79{\pm}1.49$ days, P=.17) and total fever duration ($5.32{\pm}2.07$ vs $6.41{\pm}3.25$ days, P =.09), demonstrated no significant differences. Notably, the oseltamivir group did have significantly reduced usage of antibiotic treatment than the non-oseltamivir group (P=.04). When we limited our patient group to patients under the age of three, similar results were seen. The group prescribed oseltamivir within 48 hours of fever onset had less antibiotic usage, in addition to a shorter fever duration. Conclusion: Oseltamivir appeared to have no benefit in improving the clinical course. However, if it is prescribed within the first 48 hours of symptoms, it may be more effective.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.143-146
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• 2010

Purpose: Insulin is involved in carbohydrate metabolism and also it's very important because it increases storage of glycogen, synthesis of fatty acids, absorption of amino acid, synthesis of protein. Insulin is clinically useful when we evaluate fasting patients in hypoglycemia, classify and predict diabetes, assess the activity of ${\beta}$-cell, research insulin resistance. We are going to increase usability of insulin assay by establishing normal reference value according to statistical analysis. Material & Method: We selected 6,648 patients who visited asan health medical center from May to August in 2008. We set exclusion criteria as family of diabetes, diabetes medication, the past history of blood glucose rise, more than 100 mg/dL in normal fasting blood glucose, outside the scope of BMI 18.5~22.9 $kg/m^2$, and more than HbA1c 6.5%. We determine whether the subgroup is portioned as sex and age or not and establish normal reference value by conducting statistical analysis as Bayesian's method and Hoffman's method. Result: Portioning of subgroup as sex and age is not needed. By statistical analysis of Bayesian method, results 1.5-11.0 uIU/mL. By statistical analysis of Hoffman method, results 1.8~12.8 uIU/mL. Conclusion: We established 1.8~12.8 uIU/mL as Insulin normal reference value by Hoffman method. This is a similar value with reporting reference value 1.7~11.8 uIU/mL in kit. This will enhance the usability of insulin assay by establishing normal reference value.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.206-225
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• 2019

This paper examines the trade and development aspects of glass mirrors through the literature records of the Joseon Dynasty, and studies the characteristics of existing glass mirror crafts by referring to the terms and types shown in the literature. The glass mirror in the records had called western mirrors(西洋鏡, 洋鏡), glass mirrors(玻璃鏡, 玻瓈鏡), stone mirrors(石鏡), etc. Glass mirrors were imported mainly through trade with Russia and the Qing Dynasty since the 17th century and were banned from importation in the late Joseon Dynasty. These mirrors were something new that caused a great stirring in Joseon society in the 18th century, and in the 19th century, it grew larger as a commodity needed for everyday life, especially with trade with Japan. At that time, glass mirrors were used for various purposes, such as installing large glass at a store, which were not the standard mirror usage of confirming one's appearance. These mirrors surprised Koreans in Joseon who experienced them at Yanjing Liulichang(燕京 琉璃廠) in the 18th and 19th centuries. As a result, the demand for glass mirrors rapidly increased and quickly surpassed that of bronze mirrors. Consequentially, new crafts using glass mirrors instead of bronze mirrors in Joseon began to be produced and used after the 18th century. In particular, integrated flat boards of glass mirrors were developed as crafts used indoors. It was convenient to use the hair comb box, a long-time presence in Joseon society, with the bronze mirror. This kind of mirror remained apparent in various genre paintings, including the Taepyeong Seongsido(太平城市圖, 'A Thriving City in a Peaceful Era') collected the National Museum of Korea which reflect its populism of the times. Also, the Mirror Stand(鏡臺) used in the Qing Period was produced in Joseon, but there was a difference in the way of making the drawers and box shapes between two nations. On the other hand, the Face Mirror(面鏡) was made to look at the face. Various crafts made with the aesthetic sense of Joseon, such as the ox horn inlaying craft technique, were produced with auspicious designs. In the 19th century, glass mirrors were imported from European countries, such as France, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, however after the end of the 19th century Japanese crafts were popular. Glass mirrors, which were popular in the Meiji and Taisho eras of Japan, were imported and also the Mirror Screen(鏡屛) using large glass mirrors were used. In particular, the mirror screen had developed wood furniture since the previous time, which were used for banquets and large spaces, such as the drawing room, and were imported from China and Japan. In addition, the western architectural effect of attaching a mirror to the wall was also attempted to adjust the brightness of the space and introduce another image and scenery in the mirror. This was done at Deoksugung Palace's Seokjojeon.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.192-211
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• 2021

In Seongju, Gyengsangbuk-do, the Placenta Chamber (胎室, Taesil) of 18 sons and a son of the crown prince of King Sejong(世宗大王) is located in one place. Taesil refers to the place where the umbilical cord and placenta, which are separated when the baby is born, are placed in a jar made of pottery and stone box and then buried on the ground. The placenta chamber in Seongju has the Buncheong ware (粉靑沙器) cover buried on the ground to protect the baby's placenta. These covers are all hemispherical, with a diameter of more the 20cm. The decorations were made using black and white inlaid techniques only on the outside. The Buncheong ware cover with this shape and pattern has been confirmed only in the placenta chamber in Seongju. This study targets 6 of the Buncheong ware cover whose owners were identified, when and where they were prepared, what the stylistic features and meanings are, and where it was produced. The results of the study are as follows. First, ss a result of reviewing the production background and procurement system of this bowl, it was inferred that it was sourced from Jangheunggo (長興庫) at the central government office, between 1436 and 1439, when the event to bury the placenta of royal members in the ground was the most active. Second, it analyzed the unique features of this cover, such as the shape, pattern, and baked traces. The shape and pattern were compared to the ritual objects contained in the Sejong Silok Oryeui (『世宗實錄』 「五禮」, Five Rites of King Sejong Chronicle) and the lid of the royal placenta jar made in the 15th and 16th centuries. Third, this study suggests that the baking method was based on the shape and location of the traces remaining outside the cover. Finally, the following data were used to estimate the production site: the relationship with the 'Jagiso (磁器所, ceramic workshop) registered in the Sejong Silok Jiriji (『世宗實錄』 「地理志」, Geographical Appendix of King Sejong Chronicle); various records of contribution and dedication about the Buncheong ware made here; and the Buncheong ware and related tools excavated from the kiln site in the area. The place where the Buncheong ware cover was produced is estimated to be the most likely production site for the kiln site in Chunghyo-dong Kiln Site, located in Jeolla-do province by synthesizing the data above.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.168-191
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• 2021

This article examines the shape, iconography, and creation date of the Four Buddhist Heavenly Kings (Sacheonwang 四天王) enshrined in the Heavenly Kings' Gate (Cheonwangmun 天王門) of Hoeamsa in Yangju, Gyeonggi Province during the early Joseon Dynasty. First, small fragments of clay decoration excavated from a fourth-platform gate site of the Hoeamsa Temple Site in Yangju Gyeonggi Province were analyzed and compared to other Four Heavenly Kings enshrined in the (Cheonwangmun gates) during the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, the size and shape of the gate were compared to other Cheonwangmun gates constructed during the Joseon Dynasty. Results revealed that the excavated fragments were part of the armor of Sacheonwang, and the clay-standing statues enshrined in the fourth-platform gate of Hoeamsa Temple would be proportional in size to those of Beopjusa Temple in Boeum, South Chungcheong Province. The flame-type pieces, which decorated the Heavenly King's crown in the Joseon Dynasty, and the rectangular-type pieces were not found in artifacts from the Goryeo Dynasty. Therefore, the Sacheonwang sculptures of the Hoeamsa Temple were likely made in the late 15th century in the early Joseon Dynasty. A detailed iconography of the Sacheonwang of Hoeamsa is presumedly based on the Buddhist paintings and illustrations of Buddhist scriptures (Gyeongbyeonsangdo 經變相圖)from the late Goryeo and early Joseon. During the late Goryeo Dynasty and early Joseon Dynasty, Traditional iconography from Goryeo and new iconography from Ming coexisted. However, in the late 15th century, the Sacheonwang statues of the early Joseon Dynasty had many different elements from those of the Goryeo Dynasty and were similar to those enshrined in Cheonwangmun Gate during the Joseon Dynasty. The Four Heavenly Kings of Hoeamsa Temple, believed to have been produced in the late 15th century, has historical significance in the following points. They were the first Joseon Sacheonwang statues example enshrined in the Cheonwangmun gate. In addition, they were established as a new tradition that influenced the iconography of the Four Heavenly Kings during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.4
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• pp.13-37
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• 2022

Even before recorded history, the Korean people took ginseng. Later, poetry passed down from China developed into a literary style in which intellectuals from the Silla, Goryeo, and Joseon Dynasties expressed their thoughts concisely. The aim of this paper is to find Korean poems related to ginseng and to look for their semantic network. To this end, "Korea Classical DB ", produced by the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics, was searched to find ginseng poems. As the result of a search in November 2021, two poems from the Three Kingdoms Period, two poems from the Goryeo Dynasty, and 23 poems from the Joseon Dynasty were searched. An examination of these poems found that the first ginseng poem was "Goryeoinsamchan," which was sung by people in Goguryeo around the 6th century. Ginseng poetry during the Goryeo Dynasty is represented by Anchuk's poem. Anchuk sang about the harmful effects of ginseng tributes from a realistic point of view. Ginseng poetry in the Joseon Dynasty is represented by Seo Geo-jeong in the early period and Jeong Yakyong in the late period. Seo Geo-jeong's ginseng poem is a romantic poem that praises the mysterious pharmacological effects of ginseng. A poem called "Ginseng" by Yongjae Seonghyeon is also a romantic poem that praises the mysterious medicinal benefits of ginseng. As a scholar of Realist Confucianism, Dasan Jeong Yak-yong wrote very practical ginseng poems. Dasan left five ginseng poems, the largest number written by one poet. Dasan tried ginseng farming himself and emerged from the experience as a poet. The story of the failure and success of his ginseng farming was described in his poems. At that time, ginseng farming was widespread throughout the country due to the depletion of natural ginseng and the development of ginseng farming techniques after the reign of King Jeongjo. Since the early 19th century, ginseng farming had been prevalent on a large scale in the Gaeseong region, and small-scale farming had also been carried out in other regions. What is unusual is Kim Jin-soo's poem. At that time, in Tong Ren Tang, Beijing (the capital of the Qing Dynasty), ginseng from Joseon sold well under the "Songak Sansam" brand. Kim Jin-Soo wrote about this brand of ginseng in his poem. In 1900, Maecheon Hwanghyeon also created a ginseng poem, written in Chinese characters. Thus, the semantic network of Korean ginseng poems is identified as follows: 1) Ginseng poetry in the spirit of the people - Emerging gentry in the Goryeo Dynasty (Anchuk). 2) Romantic ginseng poetry - Government School in the early Joseon Dynasty (Seo Geo-jeong, Seonghyeon, etc.). 3) Practical ginseng poetry - Realist School in the late Joseon Dynasty (Jeong Yak-yong, Kim Jin-soo, Hwang Hyun, etc.). This semantic network was extracted while examining the development of Korean ginseng poems.