• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.21 no.1 s.23
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• pp.132-151
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• 1988

This study was conducted to establish the control program for preventing unfavorable health effects of nitrogen dioxide($NO_2$) exposure in homes by preparing the fundamental data for evaluation of relation-ships between $NO_2$ levels and influencing factors through measurements of indoor-outdoor $NO_2$ levels and personal $NO_2$ exposures for housewives with questionnaire survey on 172 homes in Pusan area from April to June, 1987 $NO_2$ measurements were made by using diffusion tube samplers(Palmes tube $NO_2$ sampler) for one week at 4 sites in homes ; kitchen(KIT), bedroom(BED), living room(LIV), outdoor(OUT) and near the collar of housewives(personal exposure livel, PNO). The details of questionnaire were number of household members(FAM), number of regular smokers (SMOKER), daily number of meals eaten(MEAL), type of housing units(HOUSE), location of house with distance from the heavy traffic roads as walking time(DIST), and of kitchen(KAREA), kind of cooking fuels(FUEL), cooking time of each meal(CTIME), usage of kitchen fan for cooking(FAN), type of heating facilities(HEAT) and so on of subject homes. The Obtained results were as fellows : 1) The mean $NO_2$ level was significantly higher at indoors than outdoors(p<0.01) and the kitchen $NO_2$ level was the highest with $33.7{\pm}13.6ppb$(9.5-81.5ppb). The mean personal exposure level of $NO_2$ for housewives was $20.6{\pm}8.8ppb$(3.1-46.9ppb). 2) The mean indoor $NO_2$ level was significantly higher in the group of household members above 5 than below 4(p<0.05), in detached dwellings than apartments(p<0.001), within 5 minutes of distance than over 5 minutes(p<0.001), in the group of unusing fan(p<0.001), in the group of longer cooking time(p<0.001), and it was in order of coal briquette, gas, electricity and oil by kind of cooking fuels(p<0.05). 3) Variables showing significant correlation(p<0.001) with indoor $NO_2$ level were kitchen $NO_2$ level(r=0.8677), cooking time(r=0.5921), outdoor $NO_2$ level(r=0.5192), personal $NO_2$ exposure level(r=0.4615), usage of kitchen fan(r=0.3573) and location of house(r=-0.2988) 4) As a result of multiple regression analysis, the most significant influencing variable to the kitchen $NO_2$ level was cooking time[KIT=$-0.378{\pm}11.772$(CTIME)+0.298(OUT)+3.102(FAN)], it was kitchen $NO_2$ level to the indoor $NO_2$ level[IND=6.996+0.458(KIT)+0.230(OUT)-1.127(KAREA)], and it was indoor $NO_2$ level to the personal $NO_2$ exposure level[PNO=15.562+0.729(IND)-4.542(DIST)-0.200(KIT)] 5) It was recognized that aritificial ventilation in the kitchen, suppression of unnecessary combustion and replacement of cooking fuel, as much as possible, were effective means for decreasing indoor $NO_2$ levels in homes.

• Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.139-150
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• 1985

In order to determine the seasonal prevalence and population density of vector mosquitoes in Kyungpook Province, a survey based on average numbers of female mosquito per trap-night, were carried out during the period from May to November in 1984. Among the 34, 571 mosquitoes collected in Kyungsan county in animal shelters and human dwellings by light traps, approximately 45.0 per cent were Culex tritaeniorhynchus, 34.0 per cent Culex pipiens pallens, and 19.0 per cent Anopheles sinensis. By comparison, distribution of mosquito species in Ankang town, in which Japanese encephalitis had been reported in the past, were quite different and A. sinensis was the most abundant species, being constituted in 75.8 per cent, followed by C. tritaeniorhynchus(23.2 per cent), and C. pipiens pallens(O.6 per cent). In the general pattern of seasonal prevalence, C. tritaeniorhynchus first appeared in mid-June, and trapped in large numbers during the periods from mid-August to early September, showing a simple sharply pointed one-peaked curve, while C. pipiens pallens was found to be active through almost the entire season showing irregular curves with several peaks. The trend of seasonal distribution of A. sinensis was similar to that of C. tritaeniorhynchus, but the earliest dates of appearance and disappearance differed from that of C. tritaeniorhynchus. The results of hourly catches of mosquitoes by human baited traps have clearly shown the differences in the biting rhythm among the vector mosquitoes of this Province, such as the facts that C. tritaeniorhynchus and A. sinensis are rather constantly active all through a night with more or less inconspicuous peaks twice a night, while C. pipiens pallens exhibits an irregular curve, and the numbers of A. vexans nipponii, C. vagans and Armigeres subalbatus are very small and are not sufficient for estimating the biting rhythm. Four genera and fourteen species of larval mosquitoes collected from eighteen kinds of habitats which classified according to the categories followed by Bates (1949). The main breeding sites contributing to peak C. tritaeniorhynchus adult densities in this surveyed areas were evidently ricefields, ground pools, puddles and swamps and marshes, etc. Summarizing the results, this study indicated that the highest population density of C. tritaeniorhynchus was encountered in late August and early September, showing a simple sharply pointed one-peaked curve.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.81-90
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• 2009

This study seeks those elements that form a sense of place in Yen-Ben Street, which represents a typical ethnic enclave in Seoul, to provide a basic resource in the creation of an urban landscape that can provide a positive space for cultural diversity. The results of the study can be summarized as follows: First, the element of a physical environment that develops a sense of place was in fact the poor dwellings that correspond to the economic condition of Korean Chinese. While this element has a negative cognition to outsiders, Korean Chinese feel positively toward it. Secondly, signboards were a physical element of sense of place which retains cultural identity as a means of communication inside the community. Thirdly, it was found that activities such as shopping, recreation, and the exchange of information that are found in the pursuit of daily life act as an essential element in the formation of a sense of place even more than architectural elements. Fourthly, the appropriation of space by Korean Chinese and the isolation from the surroundings were obvious. This isolation is perceived as a negative sense of place formation to outsiders in Yen-Ben Street. Fifthly, the aspects of cultural dualism, mingling the concepts of home country, language, writing, and food have also affected the formation of a sense of place in the area. Sixthly, transience was a prominent phenomenon of Yen-Ben Street and is strengthened by illegal immigration. Although transience causes negative impacts such as in a lack of concern for the residential environment, it acts as a positive factor in the sense of place by mitigating uneasiness, and strengthening insider ties and cooperation.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.577-592
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• 1996

The forming process of poverty region in Taegu and the feature of its spatial distribution which are reviewed hitherto can be summarized like this. 1) In the froming porcess of poverty region in Taegu, during the soverignty of Japanese Empire petty farmers became tenantry by the colonial agricultural policy of Japanes Empire and some of those came into the city and g\became urban poor class. They generally lived in poor houses or dugouts in the city, and 6.6$\circ$ of poor house and dugouts of the whole country were in Taegu and 4.9$\circ of the popolatio in Taegu resided there. During the period of disorder, because of the historic accidents, such as the restoration of independence and Korean War, the returnees from aboad and refugees converged into the big city so that those who need the country's relief stood out as new poor class. They generally made their dwellings with tents and straw-bags on vacant grounds in suburbs living form hand to mouth and shaped the poor houses area, so-clalled "Liberated Village". During the developing period, the number of those who need aid gradually decreased, but the problem of poor people by the city-concentration of the poeple who shifted from agricultrual jobs by economic development came to the front. They mostly lived in squatter area forming large poor class area, and generally located near the center of Taegu consisiting of West. South. East Ward. 2) Reviewing the the feature of spatial distribution, the proportion of poor class are highest within 1~2km from the center of the city and also high within 2~3km form the center and suburbs. The poor class area in the center of the city are mostly cleared and removed area and in suburbs by the construction of permanently leased, and leased apartments large grouped poor class areas are forming. In Taegu, 16 low-income class group residence areas and residential environement improving areas are dispersed so that they came under the so-called poor class area. But by the improvement of dewelling environment and living the poor people who lived in groups dispersed or bettered their living for themselves, so the poverty area is greatly chaning into average-levelled residence area, and on the other hand, large poor people's apartment complexes are being constructed in suburbs. 3) Up to now, the distribution of poverty area could be limited its scale to generally the area within 1~3km because the poverty region which had been in suburbs relatively came near the center of the city by the rapid urbanization and poor people preferred that area because of the living convenience facilities as well as the transportation facilities and job-hunting being near the center of the city. But now poor people's apartment complex is being constructed regardless of their zone of job sites, so the low proportion of occupation is pointed as a new problem.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.405-425
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• 2008

In order to investigate the amounts of trace elements flowing into reservoir, and to elucidate the relationship between trace element mobility and fraction size, the stream water and sediment samples were collected from thirty-two sites of the 3rd or 4th order stream within watershed surrounding the Juam reservoir. Chemical analyses of trace elements (As, Cd, Cr, Cu, Ni, Pb and Zn) for all samples were completed, and additionally cationi and anion for stream water samples. Considering the distribution of rocks and contamination sources in watershed, the eight stream sediments were selected from typical sites representing study areas, and we determined the concentrations of trace elements according to size fractions ($2\;mm{\sim}200\;{\mu}m$, $200{\sim}100\;{\mu}m$, $100{\sim}50\;{\mu}m$, $50{\sim}20\;{\mu}m$ and < $20\;{\mu}m$). The correlation relationships between concentrations and size fractions of stream sediments were important to identify the hydro-geochemical behavior of trace elements that flow into Juam reservoir. Stream waters showed four water types (Ca-Mg-$HCO_3$, Ca-Na-$HCO_3$-Cl, Ca-Na-$HCO_3-SO_4$, Ca-Na-$HCO_3$) depending on pollution sources such as coal mine, metal mine, farm-land and dwellings. Concentrations of trace elements increased clearly with the decrease in size fractions of stream sediments. Concentrations of Cu, Pb and Zn increased dramatically in silt size (< $20\;{\mu}m$) fraction, while As had high concentrations in sand size ($2\;mm{\sim}100\;{\mu}m$) fraction in downstream sediments of metal mines. These indicate that Cu, Zn, and Pb moved into Juam reservoir easily in the adsorbed form on silt size grain in sediments, and As was transported as As-bearing mineral facies, resulting in its less chance to reach into Juam reservoir.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.51-65
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• 2021

There were strong criticisms against the joint development method: the redevelopment corporation and developers would achieve the whole development profit. The existing tenants who lost their housing in the site argued their right to reside in the site after the development was completed. There was also strong political pressure that the Roh Tae-woo governing administration should resolve the social inequality caused by the situation. In such circumstances, it was introduced that a certain proportion of public rental housing should be built in the redevelopment site; then the government took over the dwellings at a price of construction and allocated them to the existing tenants. The aims of this paper are to understand the rationale behind the inclusion of the public rental housing in the redevelopment sites; and to investigate to what extent the legislation was implemented appropriately. Although the legislation was introduced in Seoul from August 1989, it was not until May 2005 when it was implemented nationwide. At the beginning, there was an ambiguous rule that the number of public housing to be included should be limited to the number of households who would want to remain in the redeveloped site. In 2005 the Seoul metropolitan authority introduced a mandatory proportion; 17% of the total housing delivered in the site should be public rental homes. Since then the proportion. The proportion has been fluctuated by the political agenda of each ruling party: the conservative tended to reduce the proportion, whilst the opposition parties increased the proportion. Currently the proportion is 20% of the total stock to be built. Initially the size of the public housing was exceptionally small- less than 40 m² but it has increased up to 60 m² since 2010. The rental price was reasonably lower than market rent. The competition toward redevelopment rental housing that are vacant due to move or death of tenants was very high; it was given to one household out of nine eligible households in 2020.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.216-233
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• 2020

This study set out to review tomb culture in the Gyeongju region during the Bronze Age, and also examine the patterns of dolmens during their end phase. For these purposes, the study analyzed 18 tomb relics from the Bronze Age and nine from the early Iron Age. Gyeongju belongs to the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Approximately 120 tombs from the Bronze Age have been excavated in the Gyeongju region. There are fewer tombs than dwellings in the region, which is a general characteristic of the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Although the number of tombs is small, the detailed structure of the dead body is varied. During the Bronze Age, tombs in the Gyeongju region were characterized by more prolific construction of pit tombs, dolmens with boundaries, and stacked stone altars than were the cases in other areas. There is a great possibility that the pit tombs in the Gyeongju region were influenced by their counterparts in the northeastern parts of North Korea, given the spindle whorl artifacts buried at the Dongsan-ri sites. Dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars are usually distributed in the Songguk-ri cultural zone, and it is peculiar that instances of these are found in large numbers in the Gyeongju region as part of the Geomdanri cultural zone. Even in the early Iron Age, the building of dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars continued in the Gyeongju region under the influence of the Bronze Age. A new group of people moved into the area, and they crafted ring-rimmed pottery and built wooden coffin tombs. In the early Iron Age, new rituals performed in high places also appeared, and were likely to provide venues for memorial services for heavenly gods in town-center areas. The Hwacheon-ri Mt. 251-1 relic and the Jukdong-ri relic are ruins that exhibit the aspect of rituals performed in high places well. In these rituals performed in high places, a stacked stone altar was built with the same form as the dolmens with boundaries, and a similar rock to the cover stone of a dolmen was used. People continued to build and use dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars while sustaining the Bronze Age traditions, even into the early Iron Age, because the authority of dolmens was maintained. Some dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars, known as being Bronze Age in origin, would have continued to be used in ritual practices until the early Iron Age. Entering the latter half of the second century B.C., wooden coffin tombs began to propagate. This was the time when the southern provinces, including the Gyeongju region, were included in the East Asian network, with the spread of ironware culture and the arrival of artifacts from central China. Around this time, dolmen culture faded into history with a new era beginning in its place.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.