• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.74-95
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• 2009

Folk villages have higher historic and cultural values than other villages and contain considerably many traditional elements today. In Korea, there are seven folk villages that are under the protection of the Cultural Properties Protection Act. Unlike other kinds of tangible cultural assets individually appointed according to the act, those folk villages are protected by the act in entirety including the houses and auxiliary structures inhabited and used by the villagers. Since the act covers the entire villages, the residents are not allowed to repair or renovate their structures and accordingly suffer from huge limitations in everyday life with housing life under the biggest restrictions. Being appointed as a folk village is positive from the perspective of preserving the village. However, it is negative to the villagers because of the limitations to their housing lives. While common people lead a convenient life by the introduction of high technologies in modern society, they do not get to benefit from such technologies for the cause of preserving the traditional culture. Upon the appointment, they are subject to all sorts of building regulations and under huge direct and indirect influences of those regulations across many different aspects of life including housing life. Thus the residents of folk villages do have many complaints about the act. It is only natural that there occur conflicts between the state, which tries to preserve the traditional culture according to the act, and the residents, who pursue convenience in life. At the same time, it is natural too that the residents have the desire to pursue convenience in daily life. Thus they renovate their houses illegally. The government agencies are aware of that, however, it is not right for them to enforce the act and restrict their daily lives. Their tacit approval of such illegal renovations is the product of compromises between the residents' right to their private property and the state's policies of cultural asset protection. The residents try to renovate their houses within the limit that will not call for legal restrictions from the government agencies. The government allows for renovations as long as they are within the minimum limit. It is the result of efforts for the state and the residents to stitch up and compromise their own complaints.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• 한국문화재보존과학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.11a
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• pp.154-159
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• 2005

The most common conception of a work of art is as a unique object. In conservation the prevalent notion of authenticity is based on physical integrity, this guides judgements about loss. For the majority of traditional art objects, minimising change to the physical work means minimising loss, where loss is understood as compromising the (physical) integrity of a unique object, and this forms the focus of conservation. Fundamental to conservators' approach to the conservation of contemporary art is the notion that the artist's intent should guide conservators' practice. Since most of the artists creating installation art are living, it is possible to interview them about the details of the installation, attitudes to changing technology, parameters of acceptable change and their views about what aspects of the installation are essential to preserve. Conservation is no longer focused on intervening to repair the art object but has become concerned with documentation and determining what change is acceptable and managing those changes. In order to accurately install works in the future it is necessary to broaden our focus to include elements of an installation that affect the viewer's experience. This might mean documenting the space, the acoustics, the balance of the different channels of sound, the light levels and the way one enters and leaves the installation. These are as important as the more tangible or material elements in the conservation of the work. It is also necessary to work with industry and specialists outside the field of conservation to develop new skills to preserve and manage new types of objects in our care. We can also document the less tangible details of an installation such as the light levels, the character of the sound etc. This is a new area of conservation and as a profession our understanding and knowledge will deepen with time. All of these strategies work together to help to limit the risk of not being able to accurately install these works in the future. Deciding what can be changed and how to best care for any element of an installation will depend on its meaning and role. For both contemporary and traditional objects such decisions are documented by conservators and although the focus of the conservator may have moved away from the material object, the approach is still rooted in traditional notions of collection care.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.8 no.1 s.11
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• pp.1-9
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• 1999

The present aspect of the Seoggulam is the result of natural weathering of the rocks and influences by mankind. The rocks constituting the Seoggulam is granodiorite of medium and coarse grains which show brown to dark brown weathered surface resulted mainly from chemical weathering of feldspars. It also shows partly milky white or black colors due to influences by weathering products of cement used in the concrete dome and cracks. There are cracks and crack zones with very small cracks which may be formed by strong weathering and influences of shocks during operations of reconstitution and repair. However, for the better conservation, it must be considered to maintain the balances of temperature and moisture, especially relative moisture in places within the room, structural stability, and the influences of vibration made up by some reasons.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.23-38
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• 2006

During the repair and restoration of the Daewoongjeon Hall of Youngguksa Temple, species identification and tree-ring dating for both present wood elements and charred ones excavated under the Hall, were conducted. The species of 74 wood elements of Daewoongjeon Hall, were identified as Pinus densiflora Sieb. et Zucc. and only 1 was identified as exotic Pinus species. The latter wood, which was used in the laths, seems to have been replaced during past repairs. Many documentary records and various artifacts pertaining to Youngguksa Temple are being excavated, but none described precisely the construction date of the present Daewoongjeon Hall. Also, from beneath the Daewoongjeon Hall, cornerstone and foundation of previous building and several charred wood elements were excavated. In comparing the direction of the stone columns of foundation of the previous structure and the existing Daewoongjeon Hall, the previous structure was rotated in an angle of approximately $15^{\circ}$. Therefore, in order to find the association of the previous structure with the present Daewoongjeon Hall, tree-ring dating was conducted. The dating of 41 original timbers and 14 roof-filling timbers of the present construction elements revealed that the last annual ring was of A. D. 1703 with complete latewood, indicating that those woods was cut some time between the autumn of 1703 and spring of 1704, and the building was erected in 1704 when we assume no period of wood storage. The year of the last annual ring of the charred elements, which were excavated from beneath the Daewoongjeon Hall, was analyzed as 1674. The cutting year of the woods used for the present building began in 1698, therefore, it can be presumed that the Daewoongjeon Hall before the fire was a structure that was elected shortly after 1674 and that a catastrophic fire occurred some time between 1674 and 1698.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.9 no.10
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• pp.229-235
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• 2018

The Hanok church is an important cultural heritage that can be considered from a religious point of view of life in the modern age in Korea. We will investigate the bounadaries of the Hanok church built in modern age and the characteristics of Hanok architectural. To do so, we have conducted field trips, interviews, and repair reports of the Gimje Geumsan Church in the Jeollabuk province. The Geumsan Church is present, and the architectural characteristics can be confirmed in detail. In addition, Yugwang School, which was responsible for the education function, was able to guess the location and size through the data. As a result, the boundaries of Geumsan Church is the present fence, the west side has the building, and the east side has the playground. The Geumsan Church's flat form was divided into male and female according to the space configuration of ㄱ-shaped reflecting Confucian thought of the time. And it seems that the Yugwang school was located in the entrance part of the modern church with a two-frame scale, which is suitable for lecture.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.66-73
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• 2019

The Royal Tomb of the Joseon Dynasty, which was listed as a UNESCO World Heritage site in 2009, is a cultural resource recognized for its 'outstanding universal value' around the world. The royal tomb of Joseon has been managed with an emphasis on the preservation of cultural assets since it was designated as a historical site in the 1970s, but it has received many visitors as a valuable historical and cultural resource and haven that connects the past and the present in today's bustling city. In order to investigate and analyze the current status of pavements in the royal palace in terms of quality and quantity, and to suggest the direction of improvement, this study conducted a complete survey of 53 royal palace viewing roads in 18 regions, and the results are as follows. First of all, problems are found in both the early Masato pavement of the creation, which was introduced with an emphasis on the preservation and protection of cultural assets, and the hardening pavement(KAP), which began to be used in the 1990s for the convenience of maintenance. In other words, the Masato pavement used to create a more environmentally friendly atmosphere of the Joseon royal tombs is showing a high percentage of use, but it lacks support for walking activities, such as the slippage of the pavement and water pooling during the rainy season or during the ice season. Also, hardening pavement introduced for convenience of maintenance, such as the movement of repair vehicles, is not functioning properly as it is damaged by physical deformation after construction. In addition, in awe zones such as parking lots, although the first image of the Joseon royal tombs is determined, the formation of the functional landscape centered on the carriageway does not harmonize with the traditional landscape, and, because of its lack of walking and environment-friendly features, there is a need for improvement, such as the experimental introduction of relevant pavement materials developed afterwards and continuous monitoring.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.38-55
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• 2019

At Otani University in Kyoto, Japan, there is a rubbed copy of Tripitaka Koreana, presumably printed in 1381. According to the postscript of the copy, written by Saek Lee himself, the rubbed copy was made at Haeinsa temple in 1381 and was kept at Sinluksa temple in Yeuju. The copy was delivered as a gift to Japan in 1414 and now is kept at the Library of Otani University. Although an approximate summary of the content of the copy was reported in the early 2000s after a basic survey, details of the copy, including the concrete format and packaging paper, are not known yet. In this paper a detailed survey of the copy is conducted on the 109 pages. The copy is divided into two parts: the wrapping and the inner pages. The wrapping paper is divided into yellow and brown colors depending on the material of the paper. The yellow colorwrapping paper was possibly made in 1381 at the time of the rubbed printing, and the brown wrapping paper was repaired after being moved to Japan. Using funds collected in February 1380, the copy of Gyeong(經), Yul(律), and Ron(論) chapters was printed in April 1381. Binding of the copy was completed in September, and the wrapping paper with the title in gold was made in October 1380. The box for keeping Buddhist scriptures was manufactured in November 1380. The copy was moved to Sinluksa temple in April 1382 and delivered to Japan in 1414. At Otani University, the copy is stored in separate rectangular boxes 32.1×25.3cm in size with a height of 23.6cm. The rectangular plate on the four sides is red in external color but black colorinside. The box for keeping Buddhist scriptures was probably made in 1381, but a partial repair was made later. Because of the difficulty of executing a detailed survey of the box for Buddhist scriptures, it is hard to find out its nation and period of production. We look forward to studying the copy as well as the box for Buddhist scriptures in future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.179-222
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• 2005

Studies prosecuted on relics in those 17 bronze workshops that have been thus far excavated show that these workshops may be roughly classified into a royal workshop, a state-operated workshop and a private workshop depending upon by whom they were operated. Workshops in the Gyeongju area developed from a small royal handicraft manufacturing to a large state-operated handicraft manufacturing scale, and then later on gradually changed to a private handicraft manufacturing industry. The royal bronze workshops were operated in a small scale, as shown from the relics excavated at Wolseong(月城), Imhaejeonji(Anapji:雁鴨池) and their neighborhood places around Hwangnam_dong(皇南洞). The state-operated bronze workshops are concentrated upon one point around Dongcheon-dong(東川洞), Gyeongju city. On the other hand, in the state-operated workshop stage, a broad street was built by a workshop, which is presumed to aim to thoroughly transport materials needed for the workshop. And the point that wastes from bronze workshops were used for road repairs indicates that road repair works were carried at the bronze workshops near the road. The private workshop as a new type of workshop was operated by the aristocracy. For that purpose, craftsmen belonging to state-operated workshops or individual artisans were absorbed into the aristocracy-operated workshops. These types of workshops were pervaded throughout the city. When private workshops came to emerge in the houses of the aristocracy, the operating subjects of workshops began to change from state-operated to private workshops. Temple workshops were located at a Buddhist temple within the Court and directly produced things needed for the court, including bronze foundries. As aforementioned, through the presence of bronze workshops operated in the Silla Court, we can identify the relationships between their technical level and trading areas and among their origin, supply and demand sources, along with phases of social life in those days.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.