• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.479-496
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• 2016

The aim of this essay was to investigate Marlow's desire for constructing enlightenment subject of knowledge and power sustained by the collusion of imperialism and patriarchy in Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness. Marlow's narrative, based on his journey up the river in Africa to retrieve Kurtz, attempts to conceptualize himself as the subject of the enlightenment reason and rationality. In the novella, collusive network of ideologies of empire and gender contributes to the making of a Western Enlightenment subject. Marlow eulogizes himself for realizing the harsh realities of imperialism, political domination and economic exploitation of the natives in Africa. However, Marlow is a colonial subject who has been ruled by the hierarchical system of thought in the Western logocentrism. He is not aware that his narrative has already been infiltrated by the ideological discourse of the totalitarian enlightenment. His narrative in effect is not a self-congratulatory testimony to truth and realities but a narcissistic and self-defeating document. Marlow unconsciously employs the totalitarian ideologies of empire and gender in order to relegate the African natives to the inhuman existence and to consign women to the sphere of illusion.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.21 no.12
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• pp.709-718
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• 2020

Even after Fukuyama declared "The End of History" in 1989, the challenge to liberal democracy continues. Controversy about totalitarianism is constantly being raised both internally and externally in democratic countries and leaders, as well as the US-China war of supremacy. In this paper, I explored a hypothesis about the totalitarian process, and to explain this hypothesis, I analyzed the case of Venezuela, which was once referred to as a welfare model state. This paper presupposes Fukuyama's insistence on the universality of liberal democracy but considers the last man Nietzsche argues for the last man he assumes. Accordingly, the process of totalitarianism was viewed as a process in which totalitarianism was institutionalized and spread internationally through the linkage and interaction of the last fallen humans, the masses, and totalitarians in the international and domestic environments. According to this hypothesis, the Bol?var Revolution and Chavez show the process of transformation into a typical quasi-totalism. Although the Venezuelan people preferred democracy, they remained the last man who had become a man of "rich consciousness." While investigating this hypothesis, it was confirmed that extensive and interdisciplinary studies such as digital t otalitarianism and the development of science and technology should be followed.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.7
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• pp.93-122
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• 2005

China, the nation which reigns the society consisted of several ethnic groups, has been interested in universal virtues since its early eras, due to the social demand for their integration. Confucianism, therefore, traditionally has been executing this function as a transcendant world, and at present the Marxism takes its role instead. After its reformation and opening, the market economy was allowed to set in China, which means that the traditional ideology of integration comes to face the crisis occurred by new trend of the individualism which is gradually spreading. The people who make the policies and the intellectual people in China who noticed these phenomena, are trying to make measures to cope with this contradiction. Despite of their trials, they are destined to find nothing but powerlessness in front of the powerful marketing strategy of the commercialism which adroitly adapted to their measures. In this situation, the transcendant world to reach, which these people are appealing again is the totalitarian ideology that persistently has been maintained through history of China. The movie, Hero, is the one of these attempts. This paper offers you the analysis of this cultural agony of contemporary China.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.65-85
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• 2020

Examining how the CCP operated social services in Shanghai neighborhood[linong] in early 1950s, this article reveals the hidden relation between social service and rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954. One of the main purpose of 1954 rectification was to guarantee provision of grassroots level of the city by recruiting local cadres, the implementers of social services. Though series of social service, such as night patrol, cleaning and public charity were indispensable for residents' life and welfare(fuli)[福利] of neighborhood, the social services was the something most of the Shanghai residents were reluctant to do. The result was the shortage of human resource for social service, triggering the "nominal position(gua ming)[掛名] " phenomenon. During political rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954 Shanghai Municipal government tried to solve this 'decline of human resource in social services' problem by attracting the unemployed to the position of basic level cadre. To be specific, it demanded jobless person in neighborhood to be registered in time if they want a job placement. And it used that registration as the nominee of cadre in re-election process of the rectification campaign. The government measures were closely related to Shanghai people's inclination to rely on party-state when they try to get a job. Hence political rectification in neighborhood organizations become the strategic tool of city governance to mobilize residents in operating social services. So this article suggests that the CCP's urban governance was a complex and nuanced process to induce urban residents' interest and voluntarism beyond the suppression-oriented totalitarian perspective.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.61-75
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• 2012

The historical turbulence between China and Japan started from the First Sino-Japanese War in 1895, and culminated in Japan's invasion of China during World War Two (the Second Sino-Japanese War) between 1937 and 1945. A series of wars caused huge human and material losses in both countries, and both experienced comprehensive transformations during and after the wars. The impact of this historical turbulence is so long-lasting that it still influences both countries' social psyche. Moreover, it continues casting a long shadow upon the current Sino-Japanese relations. The recent turbulence in Sino-Japanese relations partly stems from the historical turbulence. It is much less violent but can also be emotional and worrisome. It started from the early 1980s (the Japanese history textbook controversy in 1982 and the 1985 anti-Japanese student protests in China), and culminated in the anti-Japanese mass demonstrations in multiple Chinese cities in 2005 (Bush 2010; Gries 2005; Reilly 2012; Stockmann 2010; Weiss 2008). In addition to dramatic demonstrations on streets, there are also other forms of movements, such as war reparations movements, in which Chinese war victims demand reparations from the Japanese state and companies (Rose 2005; Xu and Fine 2010; Xu and Pu 2010). Although the tension has existed for many years and surfaced from time to time, the eruption of the nationwide anti-Japanese movements in China in 2005 still shocked many outside observers. Many scholars have tried to explain the anti-Japanese sentiment within current Chinese society that underlies and drives these social movements. Through careful reexamination of the existing literature, this article proposes an explanation for the anti-Japanese sentiment from a perspective that stresses the shifting state-society interaction in China's Japan policy. Specifically, the totalitarian Chinese state's neglect and suppression of genuine social concerns regarding Japan in earlier years, followed by a relatively liberalized state that tolerates societal participation in Sino-Japanese relations, are an importance source of the anti-Japanese sentiment recently observed in China.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.33-53
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• 2018

Many public libraries have restricted or forbidden most food and drink on the basis of a number of reasons, and it is necessary to demonstrate that it is legitimate or unfair. To this purpose, the researchers surveyed 485 public library users residing in Daegu City on the perception of food and drink policy. Based on survey results, the researcher suggested improvement directions from various perspectives. First, public library should proactive review the restriction policy in terms of social paradigm. Second, allowing food and drink is a strategy and a right way to justify the existing value and social role of public libraries and strengthen the ecosystem in terms of guaranteeing basic rights of users. Third, it is desirable to emphasize the pure function rather than the dysfunction due to food and drink allowance in terms of facilitating the collection and space use. Fourth, the totalitarian thinking that restrict all or most food and drink in the bylaws or library regulations should be avoided. Finally, public library should allow all food and drink, but it is necessary to prescribe a kind of the food which can be consumed by space, and actively promote to the user.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.27 no.8
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• pp.91-101
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• 2022

This study started with the awareness that the review of the historical origins of Korean broadcasting will be of great significance in exploring the future of Korean broadcasting, and examined the various "origins" of Korean broadcasting - colonial, Cold War, totalitarian, neoliberal. Based on the theoretical background of "media archaeology", the historical 'origin' of Korean broadcasting was applied to track the origin of Hallyu(the Korean Wave) in the 21st century by comprehensively examining the political and economic motives of the time, the state's situational awareness of problems, major broadcasting policies and broadcasting realities. As a result of the study, it came to the tentative conclusion that the historical origin of the Hallyu, which began to be formed in the 1980s, originated from the three origins of Korean broadcasting and the "synthetic mixture" in the subsequent development process.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.597-618
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• 2009

Leslie Marmon Silko, in her novel Gardens in the Dunes, primarily focuses on revealing the white colonialists' plan to exterminate and destroy American Indians and their culture. In this regard, this novel is clearly an Indian counter narrative to interrogate and abrogate the authority of the oppressive and destructive discourse of the whites who are full of colonialist impulses to sterilize Indians and their culture. However, it should be noted that Silko is very careful not to insist on cultural exclusivism and reverse ethnocentrism, since these only mean a return to the violent colonialists' discourse based on dualism and cultural authenticity which, she believes, has led to the marginalization and eventual deterioration of Indians and their culture. White values and culture are something to recognize and tolerate as long as they are not the products of witchery, also known as the destroyer or evil for Silko, which promotes disruption and antagonism between races and classes. As she reveals in her interview, her major concern in the novel is to dismantle political and/or racial distinctions like Native Americans versus EuroAmericans and thus to enhance the idea of the reconciliation and coexistence of whites and Indians. Silko's Gardens in the Dunes can be regarded as an experiment in the possibility of the universal and homogeneous (at least in its roots) global culture which tolerates all forms of culture. Global culture does not mean a uniform totalitarian culture but a vision of a harmonious world characterized by hybridity and heterogeneity, in which different cultures associate freely without the notion of inferiority or superiority of any one culture. Silko's belief in syncretism emphasizes the spirit of tolerance and exchange between different cultures, dismantling the authority of exclusive ethnocentrism. The ultimate message implied in Gardens in the Dunes is that the syncretic spirit is not only an effective means to correct the white colonialists' hegemonic desire aimed at the extermination of Indians and their culture but also a source of energy for the life and prosperity of modern Indians and their societies.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.177-192
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• 2023

A prerequisite for a lasting ceasefire is the emergence of a prevailing view in Moscow and Kyiv that the fighting has reached a hurting stalemate. In sum, they both lose more through continuing warfare than by a ceasefire. This study applies social identity dynamics of nationalism to this escalatory conflict. It generates findings that imply that China as a third-party great power intervening mediator can potentially play a pivotal role. Shifting the respective prevailing views in Moscow and Kyiv of their interaction from a zero-sum foundation requires proffering powerful economic and political third-party incentives. Effective inducement would facilitate national defense, development and prestige for Moscow as well as Kyiv. China arguably has the underutilized potential power capabilities necessary to alter the respective prevailing views of strategic relationships among the great powers within Moscow, Brussels and Washington. A prerequisite for success in striving effectively towards this strategic goal is cooperation with the Beijing despite skepticism from Washington. This study utilizes a process tracing methodological approach. It highlights that the foundations of the Russo-Ukraine war lie in the institutionalization within Euro-Atlantic integration of the Cold War assumption that the USSR was an imperialist revisionist actor. Russia is the USSR's successor state. Moscow's prevailing view is that Russian national self-determination was unjustly circumscribed in the multinational Soviet totalitarian Communist system. The Euro-Atlantic community is perceived as a neocolonial imperial threat by allying with post-1991 Ukrainian nationalism at Russia's expense. The study finds that acknowledging Eurasian regional multipolarity is necessary, if not sufficient, to coopt Beijing into a global political stabilization strategy. It functionally aims to promote international balancing to lessen potentials for horizontal as well as vertical escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.