• Title/Summary/Keyword: Support for North Korea

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The influence of North Korean defectors' psychological characteristics on their alienation (탈북자들의 심리적 특성이 소외감에 미치는 영향 - 탈북자들과 남한주민들 간의 비교를 중심으로 -)

  • Jae-Chang Lee;Young-Man Kim
    • Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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    • v.11 no.3
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    • pp.41-66
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    • 2005
  • The goal of this study was to investigate factors influencing North Korea defectors's psychological alienation by comparing South Koreans and North Korean defectors in the sense of values, lifestyles, attribution styles and stereotypes. To pursue this goal, a questionnaire was distributed to 143 South Koreans and 99 North Korean defectors, According to results, in comparison with South Koreans, North Korean defectors placed more values on 'nation' than 'individual or family', on the 'support of parents' than 'a great success', In the lifestyles, the North Korean defectors than South Koreans put higher significance in 'traditional familism', 'traditional collectivism', 'social consciousness', and 'traditional hierarchy'. As for stereotypes, South Korean people considered the North Korean defectors defiant, critical, egoistic, and competitive people. Also, South Koreans perceived North Korean defectors as more negatively than North Korean defectors did themselves. In case of alienation, North Korean defectors reported that their workplace was the most common place where they were alienated. As a result of investigating factors investigating the North Korean defectors' alienation, it showed that 'affluent life' in their values, 'cultural openness' in the lifestyles, and 'inside attribution' in the attribution styles were critical. Finally, it discussed limitations of the present study and the research required in the future.

Progress of Management Policy and Research of Place Names in North Korea (북한의 지명관리 정책과 연구 동향 분석)

  • Kim, Kihyuk
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.19 no.1
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    • pp.14-30
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    • 2013
  • Place names in North Korea has been regarded as an effective instrument of revolution since division of territory(1945) and as typical case which politcal ideology affected the place names. Especially in North Korea, self-reliance ideology(Juche Idea) and idolization of Kim Il Sung influenced the place names. With local administrative district reform in 1952, names of district and village were changed on national scale. National survey of place names were proceeded in 1964~1966 with direct support of Kim, Ilsung. After this survey, North Korea made alteration of place names in terms of idolization of Kim Il Sung family as well as socialist revolution. Encyclopedia of place names were widely published. Almost linguist were forced to produce writing and papers for the praise of the legitimacy of new place names. But it should be attended that research trend are slowly changed since 2000s. Research for idolization of Kim Il Sung has become a little importance.

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The Effect of Job Instability and Job Stress on Turnover Intention in the COVID-19 Situation: Focused on the Moderating Effect of Sports Facility Workers' Perceived Organizational Support (COVID-19 상황에서 직무불안정성, 직무스트레스가 이직의도에 미치는 영향: 체육시설 종사자의 조직지원인식 조절효과를 중심으로)

  • Choi, Seung Kook;Noh, Yonghwi
    • Journal of Korean Society for Quality Management
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.183-200
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    • 2021
  • Purpose: This study is to investigate the effects of job instability and job stress on the turnover intention of sports facility workers in the COVID-19 situation, considering the moderating effects of perceived organizational support. Methods: This study surveyed service workers working at public sports facilities in Seoul, Gyeonggi Province and North Chungcheong Province, South Korea. The multi-regression and hierarchical regression analysis were employed to analyze the collected data. Results: The results indicate that all of the factors constituting job instability (organizational, job, and personal factors) had a significant influence on the factors constituting job stress (job characteristic, roll-related, and human relationship factors), except for only the relationship between organizational factor and rol-related factor. Job characteristic and roll-related factors constituting job stress significantly affected turnover intention of sports facility workers. Also, it was found that the perceived organizational support moderated the relationship between job characteristic factors of job stress and turnover intention. Conclusion: Although the COVID-19 created an environment with very high job instability, the negative impacts of job instability and job stress can be minimized through consideration and support for service workers of the organization, reducing turnover intention.

The lesson From Korean War (한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Il-Young
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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A Study on the Information Poverty of North Korean Refugees in South Korea: Based on Chatman's Information Poverty (북한이탈주민의 정보빈곤에 관한 연구: Chatman의 정보빈곤이론을 기반으로)

  • Min, Soo Jin;Yi, Yong Jeong
    • Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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    • v.39 no.3
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    • pp.241-261
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    • 2022
  • The present study aims to investigate the effects of information poverty on North Korean refugees' social adaptation to South Korea based on Chatman's Theory of Information Poverty (1996). Based on the Theory of Information Poverty, information poverty consists of four variables: Secrecy, Deception, Risk-taking, and information acceptance in response to situational relevance. And based on the previous studies, adaptation to South Korean life is divided into social adaptation and psychological adaptation. From August 4 to August 30, 2021, after approval by the IRB through the North Korean refugee support organization , surveys were conducted with North Korean refugees who had lived in South Korea for at least one year and were aged 19 or older. The 100 collected valid data were analyzed using frequency analysis, reliability analysis, correlation analysis, and multiple linear regression analysis. Findings of the study indicated that information poverty had significant effects on North Korean refugees' social and psychological adaptation. In particular, the "deception" variable had negative effects on social and psychological adaptation. The study has theoretical implications that it explains North Korean refugees' adaptation to South Korea based on Theory of Information Poverty by defining them as information poor. Above all, it attempts a quantitative approach through operationalization of key concepts unlike previous studies that were conducted with qualitative approaches.

Press Activity toward the South by North Korea during the Korean War: Focusing on the Chosuninmin Bo and the Haebang Ilbo (한국전쟁 기간 북한의 대남한 언론활동: "조선인민보"와 "해방일보"를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Young-Hee
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.40
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    • pp.287-320
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    • 2007
  • This study was to look into the press policy and the related activities performed by North Korea in the South during the Korean War and to evaluate them. In order to understand the concrete contents of the activities and their characteristics, the two representative newspapers published in the South by North Korea at that times - the Chosuninmin Bo and the Haebang Ilbo - were reviewed and analyzed. North Korea operated broadcasting and started newspapers just after the possession of Seoul. and also performed various positive press activities - such as the distribution of the newspapers and periodicals of North Korea and U.S.S.R., putting the movies on the screen, and founding the weekly, etc. But the target of all the media were the same. It aimed to support Kim Il-Sung's scheme which intended to carry out the war successfully and to make the South under occupation Communism System by introducing the Northern law and system. The two newspapers, as agent of power, made only such a role to agitate and exaggerate the false things with unrealistic optimism. They intended to ideologically mobilize the South people and to affect on their perspectives and acts. However the media including the two newspapers being operated in the South during the war had not got the faith or the good response from the South people as an audience. Most of South Koreans were tired with their endless and one-sided propaganda, agitation and ideological enlightenment. It could therefore be evaluated that the press activities by North Korea in the South during the Korean War resulted with many limitations in ideologically organizing and mobilizing the South Koreans.

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Trend and policy directions of primary carbonaceous aerosols in Seoul (서울의 일차탄소성분 입자 농도 변화 및 관리 방향)

  • Eunlak Choi;Ji Yi Lee;Yong Pyo Kim
    • Particle and aerosol research
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    • v.20 no.1
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    • pp.13-24
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    • 2024
  • The concentrations of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) and elemental carbon (EC) in particulate matter, typical primary aerosols have decreased in Seoul between 2003 and 2018 (80% for PAHs and 85% for EC). The yearly mean benzo[a]pyrene (BaP) concentration has been lower than 1 ng/m3 since 2010-2011, the target value set by the European Union (EU) and China. A series of policies related to solid fuel and vehicle in South Korea and China should be effective in the reduction of the ambient PAHs and EC concentrations. But the emission data of PAHs and EC at both countries did not support that hypothesis. Possible causes are uncertainties in the emission inventories of primary carbonaceous aerosols in South Korea and China, although there may be a minor effect of the emissions from North Korea on the concentrations in Seoul. Thus the further policy directions against PAHs and EC such as improvements of emissions inventories and measurements, intensive regulation of non-road mobile sources and control of PAHs derivatives are discussed.

Experiences of Latent Tuberculosis Infection Treatment for the North Korean Refugees

  • Kim, Beong Ki;Kim, Hee Jin;Kim, Ho Jin;Cha, Jae Hyung;Lee, Jin Beom;Jeon, Jeonghe;Kim, Chi Young;Kim, Young;Kim, Je Hyeong;Shin, Chol;Lee, Seung Heon
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.82 no.4
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    • pp.306-310
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    • 2019
  • Background: Tuberculosis (TB) is increasing in immigrants. We aimed to investigate the current status of latent tuberculosis infection (LTBI) treatment for North Korean Refugees (NKR) compared to South Koreans Contacts (SKC). Methods: TB close contacts in a closed facility of SKC and NKR who underwent LTBI screening in a settlement support center for NKR were analyzed retrospectively. Results: Among tuberculin skin test (TST) ${\geq}10mm$ (n=298) reactors, the males accounted for 72.2% in SKC (n=126) and 19.5% in NKR (n=172) (p<0.01). The mean age was higher in South Korea ($42.8{\pm}9.9years$ vs. $35.4{\pm}10.0years$, p<0.01). Additionally, the mean TST size was significantly bigger in NKR ($17.39{\pm}3.9mm$ vs. $16.57{\pm}4.2mm$, p=0.03). The LTBI treatments were initiated for all screened NKR, and LTBI completion rate was only 68.0%. However, in NKR, LTBI treatment completion rate was significantly increased by shorter 4R regimen (odds ratio [OR], 9.296; 95% confidence interval [CI], 4.159-20.774; p<0.01) and male (OR, 3.447; 95% CI, 1.191-9.974; p=0.02). Conclusion: LTBI treatment compliance must be improved in NKR with a shorter regimen. In addition, a larger study regarding a focus on LTBI with easy access to related data for NKR should be conducted.

Factors associated with the attitude of South Korean adults toward food aid to North Korea (남한 성인의 대북식량지원에 대한 태도 관련 요인)

  • Nam, Youngmin;Yoon, Jihyun
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.53 no.2
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    • pp.215-229
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    • 2020
  • Purpose: This study examines the attitude of South Korean adults toward food aid to North Korea and factors associated with it. Methods: An online survey involving 1,000 adults aged 19-69 years was conducted between September-October 2019. Throughout South Korea, the subjects were proportionally distributed with respect to gender, age, and region, to represent South Korean adults. Results: A total of 44.6% of the respondents agreed (Agreement group), 36.7% disagreed (Disagreement group), and 18.7% neither agreed nor disagreed to food aid to North Korea. Compared to the Disagreement group, the Agreement group had a higher concern of food aid to North Korea and a more positive perception on the effect of it. The Agreement group selected "direct assistance from the government" whereas the Disagreement group chose "support through international organizations" as the most appropriate channel for food aid to North Korea. Logistic regression analysis revealed that South Korean adults showing a more positive perception on the effect of food aid to North Korea were more likely to agree to the aid (odds ratio [OR], 19.32). Moreover, compared to the conservatives, the progressives were more likely to agree to food aid to North Korea (OR, 5.94). South Korean adults in their 40-50s were more likely to agree to food aid to North Korea than those in their 20-30s (OR, 2.81). South Korean adults with a higher concern of food aid to North Korea (OR, 3.93) and a greater positive perception on Korean unification (OR, 1.88) were more likely to agree to food aid to North Korea. Conclusion: The most important factor associated with the attitude of South Korean adults toward food aid to North Korea was their perception on the subsequent effect. As strategies to draw social consensus on food aid to North Korea, we recommend systematizing the monitoring process on the effect of providing food aid to North Korea and informing the public of the outcomes.

An Analysis of Terrorism against Korea to Overseas and its Implications - Focusing on the companies advancing to overseas - (한국을 대상으로 한 국제테러리즘의 분석과 시사점 - 해외진출기업을 중심으로 -)

  • Chang, Suk-Heon;Lee, Dae-Sung
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.28
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    • pp.153-179
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    • 2011
  • Korea has been a victim of State supporting terrorism by North Korea even before international society realize the terrorism threats because of 9.11 in US. However, state supporting terrorism against South Korea by North Korea went along with East/West Cold War System by US and the Soviet Union. It is because socialism that Kim Il-sung who established a separate government in North Korea with the political, economic, social and military support of the Soviet Union selected as his political ideology justifies terrorism as the tool to complete the proletariat revolution. North Korea's state supporting terrorism is being operated systematically and efficiently by military of North Korea. It gives big worries to international society not only by performing terrorism against Korea but also by dispatching terrorists and exporting terrorism strategies to the third world countries. In this situation, terrorism against Korea has met a new transition point at 9${\cdot}$11 in US. As South Korea is confronting North Korea and the war has not ended but suspended, the alliance between US and Korea is more important than anything else. Because of this Korea decided to support the anti-terrorism wars against Afghanistan and Iraq of US and other western countries and send military force there. The preface of the anti-terrorism war has begun as such. On October 7, 2001, US and UK started to attack Afghanistan and Taleban government in Afghanistan was dethroned on December 7, 2001. US and western countries started a war against Iraq on March 20, 2003. On April 9, 2003 Baghdad, the capital of Iraq fell, and Saddam Hussein al-Majid al-Awja government was expelled. During the process, the terrorism threat against South Korea has expanded to Arab terrorists and terrorism organizations as well as North Korea. Consequently, although Korean government, scholars and working level public servants made discussions and tried to seek countermeasures, the damages are extending. Accordingly, terrorism against Korean companies in overseas after 9${\cdot}$11 were analyzed focusing on Nation, Region, Victimology, and Weapons used for the attacks. Especially, the trend of terrorism against the Korean companies in overseas was discussed by classifying them chronologically such as initiation and termination of anti-terrorism wars against Afghanistan and Iraq, and from the execution of Iraqi President, Saddam Hussein al-Majid al-Awja to December 2010. Through this, possible terrorism incidents after the execution of Osama bin Laden, the leader of Al-Qaeda, on May 2, 2011 were projected and proposals were made for the countermeasures.

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