• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.148-159
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• 2018

This study empirically examined the influence of ownership structure(public/private) and revenue structure (high dependency on advertisement/low dependency on advertisement) of broadcasting companies upon journalists' perceptions regarding the degree of freedom in news reporting, the factors that limit freedom of press, satisfaction with the work autunomy and satisfaction with company's policies of news reporting and editing in light of resource dependency theory. The result showed that both the ownership structure and revenue structure of broadcasting companies influenced the journalists' perception regarding the degree of freedom in news gathering and reporting. It was also confirmed that only the revenue structure affected the level of satisfaction with work autonomy while the degree of satisfaction with the company's policies on editing and programing was influenced by the ownership structure. The perception of the factors that limit the freedom of press was found to be influenced only by the ownership structure, as did the satisfaction with policies on editing and programing. These results are very significant as they show that the level of dependence on advertising revenue affects journalists' news reporting, and that journalists of public broadcasting companies are influenced by the dependence on government or other political powers as well as on advertising revenue.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.31
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• pp.9-49
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• 2005

This research analyzes contents of international news in the North Korean newspapers to examine the relationships between foreign policy of the labor party and propaganda of foreign affairs. The results show that international news of the Rodong shinmun and Minjoo Chosun as the ideological apparatus reflects the recent changes of foreign policy of the Kim Jung-Il regime, aiming at the successful control and mobilization of the people. However, the coverage difference between two newspapers has not been found, which means that the press control of the state is routinized. The relationships between political power and the press in North Korea has been discussed from the perspective of international communication.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.172-181
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• 2020

This study examines the fact-check coverage provided by the SNU fact-check center site(factcheck.snu.ac.kr). A total of 50 articles that were cross-checked by multiple news media organizations were analyzed. The study's variables were topics, types, characteristics, consistency of the news media organizations' judgement, and fact-check sources. This study found that fact-checking coverage was generally focused on presidential or general election candidates or politicians, as well as political topics. The types of fact-checking coverage primarily included factual information, as well as some opinions or interpretations. Fact-check coverage was mainly focused on the facts of the statements themselves, causal relationships, or the timing or target of the comparison criteria. On average, the fact-checking coverage most frequently assigned the judgment 'mostly false, and primarily used interviews of individuals or data from organizations involved in the issue, government data, and experts' statements as the bases for its fact-checking judgements.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.77-90
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• 2020

This study analyzes N=181 social media rumors from Bangladesh to find out the most popular themes, sources, and aims. The result shows that social media rumors have seven popular themes: political, health & education, crime & human rights, religious, religiopolitical, entertainment, and other. Also, online media and mainstream media are the two main sources of social media rumors, along with three tentative aims: positive, negative, and unknown. A few major findings of this research are: Political rumors dominate social media, but its percentage is decreasing, while religion-related rumors are increasing; most of the social media rumors are negative and emerge from online media, and social media itself is the dominant online source of social media rumors; and, most of the health-related rumors are negative and surge during a crisis period, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper identifies some of its limitations with the data collection period, data source, and data analysis. Providing a few research directions, this study also elucidates the contributions of its results in academia and policymaking.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.202-226
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to analyze how Chinese people perceive the acceptance and spread of Korean popular culture through the analysis of the Korean Wave news frame in Chinese daily newspapers. The result of analysis showed that there was a significant difference in the number of an article appearance in all three daily newspapers by year according to a specific issue including the popularity of Korean Wave-related events, Korean dramas, movies and Korean stars. This reporting trend also appeared in the article format, and all three daily newspapers mainly used an episodic frame to deliver fragmentary Korean Wave trend or personal information emotionally rather than a thematic frame to analyze and interpret the Korean Wave trend in depth. As a result of analyzing dominant news frames using the inductive approach to examine specific contents of the articles, news frames that composed the Korean Wave into the cultural interest frame as 'Interest and attention toward Korean popular culture' and gave positive evaluations were dominant, followed by the economic news frames that explained the Korean Wave from the economic perspective and the political news frames that considered the Korean Wave from the viewpoint of the Chinese Government. These news frames appeared somewhat different according to the publishing purpose of daily newspapers. ${\ll}$People's Daily${\gg}$ which is the official organ of the Chinese Communist Party often covered the political frames to report the policies of Chinese government, ${\ll}$People's Daily (Overseas edition)${\gg}$ often covered economic frames from the overseas perspective and the Jinghua Daily which is a commercial newspaper by nature often handled cultural interest frames to consider Korean Wave as new cultural phenomenon.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.164-186
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• 2010

Korean society, suffered from a severe currency crisis in 1997, had scarcely missed another market meltdown in 2008. However, neither economic fundamentals nor has political stability little to do with the recent crises. This paper thus projects the possibility of 'self-fulfilling crisis' in which the media took a critical part in amplifying 'crisis discourses.' For the purpose of understanding of media's impact on such a crisis, at first, this paper chose 'September Crisis in 2008' as a case study. While collecting news articles about the crisis, then, total 118 news articles collected from mainstream newspapers such as DongA-ilbo and Money Today have been analyzed in terms of media frame and discourse strategies. Research results showed that not only has the crisis discourse been shifted by economic situations, but the media re-constructed economic realities in way of justifying their political ideology and loyal readership. Taking those findings into consideration, in final, the authors urged the media to improve their performance by embracing more responsible and professional manners.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.74
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• pp.177-196
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• 2015

This paper aims to plan a new research program on the parallel relationship between Korean press and political power, by providing concepts on the mode of existence of professional journalists in Korea. In the midst of the economic crisis of Korean journalism, relative deteriorisation in the political democracy and the liberty of press, and changes in news ecosystem due to the revolution of digital news, the status of professional journalists is at stake. In these circumstances, this paper argues that many existing researches on journalistic professionalism need to be reconstructed in the perspective of professional project. It enables, first of all, an evaluation on actual issues of professional journalists from the actor perspective, i.e. economic interests, social closure, regulative bargain with the authority. Secondly, concerning decoupling phenomenon of journalism and democracy which became salient in the contemporary society, this study raises a necessity to create new logical relations around concepts of journalist professionalism. And we will find, in this situation, a beginning of new evaluation on the mode of existence of professional journalists, that has been possibly developped within the old, assymetric relationship between State-press. And finally, this study proposes to consider a category of professional journalists as a vehicle that helps to conceptualize the old, parallel relationship between Korean press and political power.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.463-470
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• 2016

This experimental research as media effect study explores the effect of the current documentary that deals with radioactive contamination widely spread by fukushima nuclear accident on political and social recognition of domestic audience. Proceeding studies about media effect dealt mainly with news contents of TV, newspaper and internet. However studies on the effect of current documentary as non news contents on audience that provide us with profound information by various subjects are very few. Especially it is difficult to find studies about disaster documentary dealing with radioactive contamination having much effect on global environment. Accordingly this research implemented experimental study to find out the effect of current documentary that deals with radioactive contamination by fukushima nuclear accident on political and social recognition of audience. This research found that subjects exposed to the current documentary considered outdated nuclear power plant more seriously, supporting the opposition party more positively, claiming shutdown of outdated nuclear power plant, and opposing additive construction of nuclear power plant than subjects not exposed to the current documentary.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.11
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• pp.365-371
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• 2015

This experimental research explores the effect of the movie that can be classified as non-news media on viewers' political and social attitude on the theoretical basis of priming effect, focused on the movie 'cart' that deals with non-regular workers' labor movement. For this experimental research, one group of subjects composed of university students were exposed to movie 'cart', and the other not to the movie. After watching a movie, each group of subjects responded to questions that are designed to measure the seriousness of non-regular workers' problem, the necessity of labor movement, support of opposition party, support of the current government. This research found that subjects exposed to the movie 'cart' consider non-regular workers' problem more serious and supports opposition party more positively than subjects not exposed to movie 'cart.' However hypotheses that expected the positive support of treated subjects on labor union and less positive support of treated subjects on current government were rejected.

• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.47-81
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• 2016

This paper has attempted to examine the political and operational contexts within which North Korea's latest acts of nuclear blackmail, its test-firing of an SLBM on April 23rd 2016 and its fourth nuclear test on January 6^th 2016, should be understood. Analysis of the KN-11 SLBM and the Sinpo-class SSB is based on official South Korean, US and others sources, especially the ROK MND, as well as other resources from South Korea, US and others. Unfortunately, the results of this exploration are inconclusive: there is simply not enough evidence available at present to either confirm or refute the existence of a functional North Korean SLBM and SSB. Nevertheless, the North Korean determination to possess such assets should not be taken lightly. But even accepting North Korea's claims about its SLBMs at face value, which is undermined by news of apparently unsuccessful follow-up test-firings in November, and probably December 2015, there is little proof that North Korea has yet succeeded in miniaturizing its nuclear warhead, so the most extravagant fears are not yet justified. Taken together with North Korea's latest announcement of a supposed successful SLBM ejection-test, on March 23^th 2016, the KN-11 SLBM claims should probably be seen as primarily about proving North Korea's status as a nuclear power, both to exert external political pressure and to bolster internal political support for Kim Jong-un's rule. In conclusion, this paper recommends formulating a preemptive anti-access strategy for the ROKN, proposes acquiring an ASW CV and SSNs to implement submarine strategic deterrent patrols, and urges extending the existing limited AORs to facilitate the preemptive anti-access strategy. Other deterrence options may be suggested, but it is surely significant that the ROKN has recently publically referred to the deployment of an ASW CV and SSNs for the first time.