• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.6
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• pp.85-95
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• 2010

East-Asian intellectual societies in the pre-modem age sustained a holistic system of poem-calligraphy-painting trinity until the coming of Western modernism. Therefore, it has been insisted that the principles of traditional landscape gardening were greatly influenced by those of landscape painting and related literature. This study examined those influences closely to discover the essence of traditional Asian landscape architecture through a comparative study between Chinese landscape painting theory and landscape gardening theory within the dual categories of 'contents(value and meaning)' and 'form(view and spatial structure)'. The most important theme of landscape painting theory in contents category was 'Chi and its Vitality(氣韻生動)'. The matching theme in landscape design field was 'Feng-Shui(風水)' and 'Yi-Jin'g(意境)'. The most important theme of landscape painting theory in formal category was 'the Three Ru1es of Perspective(三遠法)'. And the matching theme of landscape design theory was 'Yindi(因地)' and 'Jie-Jing(借景)'. The most important theme of landscape painting theory in formal category was 'the Three Rules of Perspective(三遠法)'. And the matching theme of landscape design theory was 'Yindi(因地)' and 'Jie-Jing(借景)'. It was found that themes and various principles of both fields were closely inter-related and have much in common in their representation of contents and form. In the close relationship with main art genres like this, the landscape gardening could have been recognized as one of the genres of fine art.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.48
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• pp.67-106
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• 2017

This study focuses on two specific history of Korean literature in Chinese: the outline of The History of Joseon Literature (2010) by Li Yan and The History of Joseon Literature (1988, 2008) by Wei Xu-sheng; it was conducted to compare narrative viewpoints to the history of South and North Korean literature and therefore identify distinguishable characteristics. As a result, the following was concluded. First, The History of Korean Literature by Cho Dong-il and The History of Korean Literature in North Korea (15 volumes) include thorough discussions on division of historical eras, concept of genres as well as individual literary works and applied such discussions on writing literary history. However, Wei Xu-sheng and Li Yan's The History of Korean Literature did not illuminate theoretical discussion of South and North Korea. Li Yan's outline of The History of Joseon Literature was published in 2010 and the first edition of Wei Xu-sheng's The History of Joseon Literature was published in 1986 and later was published as revised editions in 2000 and 2008. Regarding published dates, it is a matter of course to reference Cho Dong-il's The History of Korean Literature, published in the 1980s, or The History of Korean Literature in North Korea (15 volumes), published in the 1990s; nevertheless, neither Wei Xu-sheng nor Li Yan used those texts in their works. Their works were heavily influenced by the narrative tradition of the history of national literature and therefore, entailed unsophisticated discussion on the division of historical eras or the concept of genres. Second, those two texts also emphasized external factors such as politics, society, economy and culture and explicitly mention these factors in historical overview of each chapter. Such an approach is commonly used in narratives of literary history under socialist regimes, including The History of Korean Literature in North Korea (15 volumes). Accordingly, evaluations based on 'political standards' - stress of people, nationality, practicality and so forth - in main texts are particularly accentuated, akin to narratives of literary history under socialist regimes. Finally, since those two Korean literature history works are written by Chinese scholars, they focus on correlation between Chinese literature history and Korean literature history. However, several genre-related terminologies such as Xiaopin (a kind of essay), Yuefu (a kind of popular song/poem), Yuyan (fable), Shuochang (telling of popular stories with the interspersal songs), Shizhuan (biography or/and memoirs in history) were adopted directly from Chinese literature. In analyzing Korean literature using terminologies introduced from Chinese literature, differences between original and alternative definitions were not examined in detail. While some terminologies and concepts were adopted directly without further consideration as to state of the two nations, it is also interesting to note that dichotomy, mainly used in Korean literature history, was used to discuss the genre of Cheonki (romance tale), relevant to Suyichon and Keumosinhua, rather than follow traditions of Chinese literature history.

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.25-33
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• 2011

Daoism is a very important subject that consists of oriental medicine(traditional east asia medicine). Among the many scriptures, The Zhouyi cantong qi (周易參同契, Token for Joining the Three in Accordance with the Book of Changes) is the main Chinese alchemical scripture. This book is composed with three kinds of subject, Zhouyi(周易, the Book of Changes), the Huanglao(黃老) Tradition and alchemy(鍊金, 爐火). The author's name is not signed but is concealed in the text. According to the traditional account, the legendary Han immortal from Guiji (會稽, in present-day Zhejiang, 古 浙江), Wei Boyang(魏伯陽), wrote it in the period between Emperor Shun and Emperor Huan of the Eastern Han (126-127 BC), after reading the Longhu jing (龍虎經, Scripture of the Dragon and Tiger). Later he transmitted it to Xu Congshi(徐從事), who appended a commentary, and to Chunyu Shutong(淳于叔通), who first circulated it in the world. While some features of this account provide significant details - especially about the reputed date of the text and about its formation having taken place in stages - the received Cantong qi(參同契) actually is not the product of a single generation of authors, but the result of several centuries of textual accretions as well as theory of three co-authorship by Wei Boyang(魏伯陽), Xu Congshi(徐從事), Chunyu Shutong(淳于叔通). It has over 6000 characters in four-word or five-word verses. Some parts of the book are in styles of prose and poem. Many scholars explain the title "cantongqi(參同契)", saying that "Can(參)" means three, "Tong(同)" means correspondence, and "Qi(契)" means unification. Through images of hexagrams of the Book of Changes, the book illustrates the thought of the Huanglao(黃老) Tradition and alchemy. Wei Boyang(魏伯陽) theorizes his own experience unifying the way of intercourse of Yin and Yang in the Book of Changes, the cultivation of spirit through spontaneity of the Huanglao(黃老) Tradition and the elixir refining of alchemy.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.9-33
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• 2018

This paper examines the literary theory of Gollyun(昆侖) Choe, Changdae(崔昌大, 1669-1720). He has authored a variety of works, and his works have been recognized in many literatures. Because of this, studying his literature is a meaningful. The theory of poem creation is as follows. It is the basic poem creationism that expresses the feelings that I experienced and felt as it is. The utility is to multiply and control the artist's feelings through his poem. However, the creative theory of being the best writer is different from this. It must be premised on finding from the heart and studying various books. If these qualities was provided, the words are clear and the meaning is condensed. He distinguished between general works and the best works, and presented their own creative theory and discussed their utility. The theory of prose utility is as follows. He emphasizes the importance of communicating with contemporaries and establishing important things of the day and making them easier to understand, without specifying the morality. This is a thoroughly realistic utility theory. In the classical chinese prose's history, 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' were issues. He transcends the recognition of 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' as zero-sum. In addition, he gives priority to the meaning of the writer and emphasizes self-realization, which is in common with other political soron(少論) writers' theories. When creating prose, simplicity and bizarreness were issues. He emphasizes concise writing. However, it can be realized when a writer with high opinion is aware of the reason and raises the core. Through various sources, he has completely rejected Ming(明) dynasty's former and latter seven master(前後七子). However, he did not exclude their work unilaterally, and recognized the work of Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋). This is the same as his father Choiseokjung(崔錫鼎). He recognized Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋) equally, and sought a simplified and summarized style.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.235-268
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• 2016

Gwon Geuk-jung wrote Juyeokchamdonggyejuhae(hereinafter Juhae) and established his Internal Alchemy(Nae-dan) Theory systematically in the former half of the 17th century. In its annotations, there are many quotes about Taoist books and figures, which leads to an estimation that the Chinese Taoist ideology must have exercised its influences on the formation of his Internal Alchemy Theory. It is thus needed to compare it with the Chinese Taoist ideology to have a clear picture of its characteristics and significance. The first step of the comparative research involved the estimation of Taoist books that Gown must have consulted and the examination of circumstances around Taoist books circulated in Joseon through the quotes in his Juhae, which were categorized into the ones that began with a book title, those that began with a name, and those that began in "In an old poem." They were compared with those of Dojang, and the results show that Gwon must have consulted various annotation books of Chamdonggye including Chamdonggyebalhui and various Taoist books including Gyujungjinam and Geumdandaeyo. The investigator then looked into Taoist books circulated in Joseon at the time when Gwon wrote Juhae and found a circumstance of circulation of annotation books of Chamdonggye by three families including Yu Yeom and collections of Taoist books including Doseojeonjip and Sujinshipseo. They were then compared with the Taoist books in the quotes of the author, and the results show that most of his quotes contained the Taoist books of Doseojeonjip. That is, the specific circumstances of books circulated in the former half of Joseon were clearly revealed in the quotes of Juhae. Of the Taoist books found in his quotes, Jin Chi-heo was most quoted, being followed by Jang Baek-dan, Seol Do-gwang, Jin Nam, Baek Ok-seom, and So Jeong-ji. It thus seems that Gwon was under the huge influence of Internal Alchemy Theory of Jin Chi-heo and Nam Jong.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.9-34
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to examine the life and poetry of Hanchung. The reason for studying Hanchong is because there is no research on Hanchong until now. In Chapter 2, I looked at the life and poetry of Hanchung. One thing to pay attention to in the life of Hanchung is that Hanchung has excellent writing ability. When Hanchung went to the envoys in China, Hanchung was recognized for outstanding Chinese writing by Chinese officials. Another thing to pay attention to in the life of Hanchung is the upright character of Hanchung. Hanchung judged Nam-gon as a delicate person and did not live a life to cooperate with him. He vigorously rejected Namgon. Because of that, Hanchung was killed by Namgon. In Chapter 3, I examined the poems of Hanchung. The poem of Hanchung can be divided into three kinds. First, it reveals the love of the people. This comes from the heart of a child who pity the poor. Second, it is the mind to live while keeping the fidelity of life. This is reflected in the images of bamboo, pine and pine trees. Third, poetry criticizes reality. There are poems in Hanchung that reveal criticism of loneliness and reality. This is a political reality that is not right at the base. So, it can be said that it is a city that reveals the reality criticism after all.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.117-143
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• 2016

This paper aims to reveal the thoughts of Confucian Hong chanyu illuminate the literary activity. Hong chanyu is representative of the modern and contemporary Confucian scholars. In chapter 2, a Confucian scholar said the spirit of the Hong chanyu. He was considered unnecessarily cause and form. He thought it was a real need and times of where they live. Hong chanyu it was called moderation. Chapter 3 examined the literary activities of the Hong chanyu. One section made of a Chinese poetical circles for background. Gwansu meeting was created in winter 1976. member was of 13 people. They visited the natural scenery and historical sites found. And it was expressed written poetry.Section 2 says what kind is this Chinese poem they have created. The first is the content eulpeun history. The second is more satire in the world. The third is content to enjoy the tasteful in nature.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.74-100
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• 2022

The purpose of this study was to investigate the characteristics of Chinese seowons and to obtain data based on the characteristics of waterscapes unique to Korean seowons. The conclusion of this study from the results of investigation and analysis of the location, water system, and design characteristics of 10 representative traditional seowons in China including Yuelu Seowon(嶽麓書院) conducted based on literature research and field observation is as follows. The water system of Chinese seowons is dualized into an inner and an outer water system, and in general, two and a maximum of three water bodies are superimposed on the outside. The locations of seowons are classified into five types: Four double-sided round water type sites, three converted face water type sites, one three-sided round water type site, a four-sided round water type, and a waterproofing type(依山傍水型). Therefore, compared to the typical Korean seowon facing water in the front and a mountain in the back(背山面水型), the Chinese seowons showed a highly hydrophilic property. The water shapes of the external water system were meandering(46.0%), mooring(36.0%), and broad and irregular(9.0%). In addition, water conception(水態) were streams(31.8%), rivers(27.3%), springs(13.6%), falls(9.1%), lakes(4.5%) and ponds(4.5%), in that order. As for waterscapes of the water system inside the seowon, there were seven in Akrok Seowon and four in Mansong Seowon, indicating a comparatively higher number of waterscapes. Since the 27 detailed waterscapes in 10 seowons that were the subject of the study were classified into six types including ponds and half-moon ponds, they appeared to be more diverse than the Korean seowon. It is noteworthy that in the interior waterscape of the traditional Chinese seowon, the ritualistic order, where at least one half-moon pond or square pond(方池) was arranged, is well displayed. In particular, the half-moon pond(伴池), which is difficult to find in Korean seowon, was found to be a representative waterscape element, accounting for 42.8%. If the square pond of Nanxi Seowon based on Zhu Xi's poem 「Gwanseoyugam(觀書有感)」 is also treated as a square-shaped half-moon pond, the proportion of half-moon ponds in the waterscape will be as high as 50%. The pond shapes consisted of 28% square, 24% each for free curve and round shape, 20% for semi-moon shape, and 3.8% for mountain stream type. This seems to differ greatly from the square-shaped Korean seowon. On the other hand, there were a total of 10 types of structures related to the waterscape inside the Chinese seowon: 11(26.8%) pavilion and bridge sites, five gate room sites(牌坊: 16.5%), four gate and tower sites(樓, 1.4%), two Jae sites(齋, 6.2%), and one site each(3.1%) of Heon(軒), Sa(祠), Dae(臺), and Gak(閣). In particular, the pavilions inside seowon were classified into three types: landscape pavilion(景觀亭 27.2%), tombstone pavilion(碑亭, 18.2%), and banquet pavilion(宴集亭, 54.5%). In general, it was confirmed that the half-moon pond with a pedestal bridge, and the pavilion were the major components with a high degree of connection that dominate the waterscape inside the Chinese seowon.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.383-406
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• 2014

Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon (1513~1577) considered poetry as a part of his life. Therefore, this writer specifically focused on Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon's Chinese poems. The following is the conclusion from the materials discussed in this article. Mi-Am tried to understand literature in ethical perspective. The number of Chinese poems composed by Mi-Am is estimated to be about 300, and the number of pieces that this writer could find was 285. Also, Mi-Am took poem composition seriously, and put emphasis on content more than structure. Among Go Shi, Yul Shi, and Jul gu, Jul gu (especially Chil Un) is the largest in quantity, and it is presumed that he preferred Chil(seven) Un over Oh(five) Un. With regards to Go Shi, there are relatively many Jeon-Go. With regards to Jul gu, which was a poetry composing structure that Mi-Am could make the best use of, they were mostly about the daily lives. And with regards to Yul Shi, there were many poems that expressed his feelings about the real world and self-examination. Mi-Am's poems can be categorized into ones that he wrote when he was on exile, and ones that he wrote while serving for the king again after he got released from exile. During the exile period, self-discipline through learning, friendship, and love for the people were the main themes of his poems, and after being released and started serving for the king again, his poems were mostly about loyalty to the king, interaction with acquaintances, emotions, ancestor worship, self-examination, and conjugal affection through literary communion. Among Mi-Am's poems, there are many that have Eum Song Cha Un included in their titles, and the mainstream of his poems were related to daily lives or experiences. Also, most of them naturally and calmly expressed the fact itself without exaggerating. Mi-Am considered poetry as a part of his life and the fact that he practiced literary communion with his wife by writing poems about the ordinary things happened between him and his wife, Song Duk Bong, is worthy of notice.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.56-67
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• 2019

In order to investigate the issue with the proper name of eshel(Tamarix aphylla) mentioned in the Bible, analysis of morphological taxonomy features of plants, studies on the symbolism of the Tamarix genus, analysis of examples in Korean classics and Chinese classics, and studies on the problems found in translations of Korean, Chinese and Japanese Bibles. The results are as follows. According to plant taxonomy, similar species of the Tamarix genus are differentiated by the leaf and flower, and because the size is very small about 2-4mm, it is difficult to differentiate by the naked eye. However, T. aphylla found in the plains of Israel and T. chinensis of China and Korea have distinctive differences in terms of the shape of the branch that droops and its blooming period. The Tamarix genus is a very precious tree that was planted in royal courtyards of ancient Mesopotamia and the Han(漢) Dynasty of China, and in ancient Egypt, it was said to be a tree that gave life to the dead. In the Bible, it was used as a sign of the covenant that God was with Abraham, and it also symbolized the prophet Samuel and the court of Samuel. When examining the example in Korean classics, the Tamarix genus was used as a common term in the Joseon Dynasty and it was often used as the medical term '$Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳)'. Meanwhile, the term 'wiseonglyu(渭城柳)' was used as a literary term. Upon researching the period and name of literature related to $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) among Chinese medicinal herb books, a total of 16 terms were used and among these terms, the term Chuísīliǔ(垂絲柳) used in the Chinese Bible cannot be found. There was no word called 'wiseonglyu(渭城柳)' that originated from the poem by Wang Wei(699-759) of Tang(唐) Dynasty and in fact, the word 'halyu(河柳)' that was related to Zhou(周) China. But when investigating the academic terms of China currently used, the words Chuísīliǔ(垂絲柳) and $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) are used equally, and therefore, it appears that the translation of eshel in the Chinese Bible as either Chuísīliǔ (垂絲柳) or $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) both appear to be of no issue. There were errors translating tamarix into 'やなぎ(willow)' in the Meiji Testaments(舊新約全書 1887), and translated correctly 'ぎょりゅう(檉柳)' since the Colloquial Japanese Bible(口語譯 聖書 1955). However, there are claims that 'gyoryu(ぎょりゅう 檉柳)' is not an indigenous species but an exotics species in the Edo Period, so it is necessary to reconsider the terminology. As apparent in the Korean classics examples analysis, there is high possibility that Korea's T. chinensis were grown in the Korean Peninsula for medicinal and gardening purposes. Therefore, the use of the medicinal term $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) or literary term 'wiseonglyu' in the Korean Bible may not be a big issue. However, the term 'wiseonglyu' is used very rarely even in China and as this may be connected to the admiration of China and Chinese things by literary persons of the Joseon Dynasty, so the use of this term should be reviewed carefully. Therefore, rather than using terms that may be of issue in the Bible, it is more feasible to transliterate the Hebrew word and call it eshel.