• Fire Science and Engineering
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.101-106
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• 2011

In case of an emergency such as a fire on a building and there is a need to evacuate the occupant in that building, it is important to have the guidance information effectively delivered to the evacuating occupants to guide them toward a safe direction using audio sensual media. And, it is also very important to prevent the evacuating occupants getting lost or falling astray, away from the direction toward safety. The purpose of this study, in this respect, is to examine the possible application of the precedent sound effect, with which the evacuating occupants may get a sense of the direction where the announcement comes from. With such an effect, an experiment was conducted to measure the extent to which people can hear the preceding and the following sound in terms of the acoustic pressure level changes and delay time changes, with a view to make the optimal evacuation-guidance announcement or sound. The optimal evacuation guidance sound (announcement) per each of the experimental indoors environments were as follows; 1) Regarding the optimal condition for the evacuation guidance announcement sound in the space of a lecture room, the direction of the advanced sound is positively recognized when the follow-up sound has the delaying time of 10 ms~50 ms in comparison with the advanced sound or when there is no difference between the acoustic pressures of the advanced and follow-up sounds or the acoustic pressure of the advanced sound is higher than that of the follow-up sound. 2) Regarding the optimal evacuation guidance announcement sound in the space of a hall, the advanced sound is positively recognized when the follow-up sound has the delaying time of 20 ms~60 ms in comparison with the advanced sound. 3) Regarding the optimal evacuation guidance announcement sound in the space of a gymnasium, the advanced sound is positively recognized when the follow-up sound has the delaying time of 10 ms~40 ms in comparison with the advanced sound or when the sound pressure of the advanced sound has a higher level than or the same level as that of the follow-up sound.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.247-255
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• 2009

This study aims to provide basic data for establishing the safety and health plan by investigating the exposure conditions in the facilities registering business about handling radiations and radioactive isotopes in Korea. dose levels(working space, worker location) of the workers in 153 facilities were measured using surveymeter, and individual exposure concentration[(shallow dose(SD), depth dose(DD)] in 27 facilities using thermal luminescence dosimeter(TLD). In accordance with the measurement results by business type[fire fighting prevention business(FFPB, n=10), financial insurance business(FIB, n=3) and other facilities(n=140)] using surveymeter, those three business type groups showed difference (p<0.000). Dose levels of worker location for FFPB and FIB were significantly higher than 10.0 ${\mu}Sv$/hr, the allowable standard for radiations and radioactive isotopes, and they were higher 109.3 times(p<0.000) and 187.5 times(p<0.000) than those in other facilities. The concentration of TLD[FFPB(n=10), other facility (n=17)] in DD of FFPB was significantly higher than that in other facility(p=0.05). In accordance with the analysis result on relationship between surveymeter and TLD, the dose on working space and worker location(r=0.406, p<0.05), worker location dose and SD(r=0.453, p<0.05), worker location dose and DD(r=0.553, p<0.01), and SD and DD(r=0.927, p<0.001) had all related each other. It is urgently required to change FFPB and FIB from the facilities requiring registration for handling radiations and radioactive isotopes to the facilities that shall get permission for handling radiations and radioactive isotopes by reestablishing the legal administration area, for safety and health of radiation occupants.

• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.129-145
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• 2022

Purpose: This study aims at preparing an external evacuation system by setting up situation that may occur outside buildings in case of large-scale fire at buildings such as multiuse facilities and presenting appropriate response procedures and action instructions for evacuees and facility managers. Method: Major matters are summarized based on various situations which may occur outside in case of fire and the contents of fire manual. Necessary factors including risk alert standards in the event of fire and the role of building occupants are classified and then important issues are summarized. In addition, the definition of fire-related outside shelters and external evacuation routes are showed, and then the applicability to the shelters and the routes are reviewed for old apartments in Jung-gu among multi-dense facilities. Result: Four stages (attention, caution, alert, serious) for standards of fire risk warning are established with the results of the investigation and analysis, and guidelines for behavior for evacuees, facility owners, residents, managers are summarized and presented. In addition, the concept and role of external shelters are divided into primary to the third shelters, and matters related to the definition of each shelter and the establishment of evacuation routes are presented, and then considered them carefully. Conclusion: This study has highlighted the importance of suggesting a systematic plan to secure the safety for evacuees outside space of buildings with disorder and difficulty to control in the event of fire. Therefore, we are confident that it will be useful in making an integrated manual for inside and outside buildings.

• KSCE Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering Research
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• v.43 no.5
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• pp.667-674
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• 2023

In the event of a disaster occurring within a building, the prompt and efficient evacuation and rescue of occupants within the building becomes the foremost priority to minimize casualties. For the purpose of such rescue operations, it is essential to ascertain the distribution of individuals within the building. Nevertheless, there is a primary dependence on accounts provided by pertinent individuals like building proprietors or security staff, alongside fundamental data encompassing floor dimensions and maximum capacity. Consequently, accurate determination of the number of occupants within the building holds paramount significance in reducing uncertainties at the site and facilitating effective rescue activities during the golden hour. This research introduces a methodology employing computer vision algorithms to count the number of occupants within distinct building locations based on images captured by installed multiple CCTV cameras. The counting methodology consists of three stages: (1) establishing virtual Lines of Interest (LOI) for each camera to construct a multi-camera network environment, (2) detecting and tracking people within the monitoring area using deep learning, and (3) aggregating counts across the multi-camera network. The proposed methodology was validated through experiments conducted in a five-story building with the average accurary of 89.9% and the average MAE of 0.178 and RMSE of 0.339, and the advantages of using multiple cameras for occupant counting were explained. This paper showed the potential of the proposed methodology for more effective and timely disaster management through common surveillance systems by providing prompt occupancy information.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.161-168
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• 2022

After the corona virus, as non-face-to-face services are activated, domain services that guarantee integrity by embedding sensing information of the Internet of Things (IoT) with block chain technology are expanding. For example, in areas such as safety and security using CCTV, a process is required to safely update firmware in real time and to confirm that there is no malicious intrusion. In the existing safe security processing procedures, in many cases, the person in charge performing official duties carried a USB device and directly updated the firmware. However, when private blockchain technology such as Hyperledger is used, the convenience and work efficiency of the Internet of Things environment can be expected to increase. This article describes scenarios in how to prevent vulnerabilities in the operating environment of various customers such as firmware updates and device changes in a non-face-to-face environment. In particular, we introduced the optimal blockchain technique for the Internet of Things (IoT), which is easily exposed to malicious security risks such as hacking and information leakage. In this article, we tried to present the necessity and implications of security management that guarantees integrity through operation applying block chain technology in the increasingly expanding Internet of Things environment. If this is used, it is expected to gain insight into how to apply the blockchain technique to guidelines for strengthening the security of the IoT environment in the future.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.174-197
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• 2024

Personal ornaments made from precious metals that have been excavated from tombs dating to the Maripgan period (4th-6th century) of the Silla Kingdom are a major subject of analysis in the study of gender and hierarchy among the tomb occupants. Nonetheless, bracelets had been neglected until Ha Daeryong's recent research on determining gender through bracelets attracted attention. Accordingly, an examination and organization of the fundamental elements of Silla bracelets was needed. In response, this paper examines their physical characteristics, appearance, changes over time, and related wearing practices. The data for this study is derived from 176 bracelets, mostly made from silver or gold. Copper and glass bracelets are also included. Many of them were cast in a single-use earthen mold. Even the notched and protruding designs were created by casting rather than carving. Glass bracelets and bracelets with dragon designs were made using molds with round cavities. Excluding those produced using metal sheets, the rest of the bracelets are thought to have been cast in a mold with a long-string-shaped cavity and then bent round. After being bent, the two ends were either soldered together (closed type) or left open (open type). As demonstrated in the study by Lee Hansang, Silla bracelets evolved from plain rounded rod-shaped bracelets, such as the one excavated from the Northern Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, to versions with notched designs, and eventually to those with protruding designs, which gained popularity by the sixth century. The precedents of plain rounded rod-shaped bracelets are presumed to have been thin rod-shaped bracelets from the Proto-Three Kingdoms period. Bracelets need to be fit to the wrists so that they do not slip off easily when worn. The open type design was the preferable way to achieve this. Moreover, given the ductility of gold, silver, and copper, it seems that it would have been possible to stretch or deform them. In the end, I concluded that even if a bracelet is too small to pass man's hand, the open type could have been worn. Furthermore, if a closed-type bracelet were pressed into an oval shape, it would not be impossible for a man to put it on. When bracelets are divided according to their degree of deformability into type A (the open type) through type D, which is almost impossible to deform, type A is commonly found with wearers of thin hollow earrings, and types C and D (which are difficult to deform) are not found with wearers of thin hollow earrings, but only with wearers of thick hollow earrings. Therefore, it can be seen that men were allowed to wear bracelets, and the existing studies that differentiate between men and women based on the wearing of thin hollow earrings, thick hollow earrings, and swords remain valid.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.96-119
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• 2024

Some inscribed bricks excavated from the western region of North Korea have been found bearing an era name used after 314 when the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies had been completely ousted from the region. Others have been found with an era name used in the early fifth century. This indicates that the tradition of constructing brick chamber tombs was sustained for a century after the disappearance of the two commanderies. However, brick chamber tombs were never adopted as a burial system for the ruling class of the Goguryeo Kingdom. The Tomb of Jang Mui built in 348 and the Tomb of Dongni built in 353 both departed from the typical brick chamber tomb style of the region, and elements associated with stone chamber tombs were added to them. The Tomb of Dongsu (Anak Tomb No. 3), which is similar to the other two tombs in that its occupant is of Chinese descent, was constructed in 357 not as a brick chamber tomb, but as an earthen mound tomb with a stone chamber. Still, the continuation of brick chamber tomb tradition in the next half century has been somewhat puzzling. Although dated inscribed bricks have served as important evidence for understanding the continuation of the brick chamber tomb tradition, there has been a problem of continually repeating previous studies. It has also been pointed out that there was an error in the interpretation of era names in some of the dated inscribed bricks that had been believed to have been produced in or after 357. For example, "second year of Taean" (Taian in Chinese), which had been understood to correspond to 386 (during the Former Qin Dynasty), in fact refers to 303 (during the reign of Emperor Hui of the Western Jin Dynasty). In the case of "first year of Geonsi" (Jianshi in Chinese), which had been believed to indicate 407 (during the Later Yan Dynasty), it actually refers to 301. "Geonsi" is the era name used during the period when Sima Yun ousted Emperor Hui of the Western Jin Dynasty and briefly occupied imperial throne. Outside these two cases, the remaining dated inscribed bricks thought to have been produced in or after 357 are those dated to the "third year of Wonheung" (Yuanxing in Chinese). However, a reexamination of these bricks reveals that what is really "Yeongheung" (Yongxing in Chinese) has been misread as "Wonheung." The third year of Yeongheung corresponds to either 306 during the Western Jin Dynasty or 352 during the Later Zhao Dynasty, but it is highly probable that it refers to 306. This means that there is no conclusive evidence to support the hypothesis that brick chamber tombs were built in the area until the late fourth century and even into the early fifth. Accordingly, the Tombs of Jang Mui and Dongni should be viewed as the latest known brick chamber tombs to be constructed in the western region of North Korea. Moreover, brick chamber tombs appear to have been no longer built in the area around the time when the Tomb of Dongsu was constructed. These speculations accord with the historical circumstances of the time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.