• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.146
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• pp.193-217
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• 2018

Following the lead of Isaiah Berlin, many liberals favor a negative conception of liberty because it limits the amount of interference and coercion that the state has in individual's lives. Such moves leave individuals to place value on their life choices or step back and revise them if desired. It is one thing, however, to argue that modern republicanism characterized by liberty as non-domination contains an alternative conception of liberty.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.10
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• pp.63-84
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• 2010

This essay examines how the figure of Liberty has been refashioned in the streets of post-apartheid South Africa, addressing three public art works installed in Johannesburg over the past decade: Reshada Crouse's oil painting Passive Resistance, Marlene Dumas' tapestry The Benefit of the Doubt and William Kentridge's and Gerhard Marx's sculpture Firewalker. Even as these monumental works all reprise Delacroix's Liberty on the Barricades-an icon of the city street and its revolutionary barricades-so too this trio of Liberties have become mere phantoms of their vaunted archetype. Haunted specters, they quarrel with the mythologized chimera of Liberty, taking issue with the fraught tradition of pinning regime change onto the body of the female nude. Drawing instead on South African histories of women's resistance, in which female nudity has been repeatedly marshaled as a form of dissent, the Liberties circling Johannesburg hybridize their European template with local traditions of female political opposition to colonial and postcolonial male authority.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.247-265
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• 2014

In this paper I will undertake three tasks: first, to identify the difference between John Rawls's liberal conception of liberty and Will Kymlicka's; second, to briefly examine the problems with liberal conception of liberty; finally, to propose a certain alternative that will be able to make liberal conception of liberty more meaningful In Kymlicka's view, Rawls seems to fail to make the best defence of freedom of choice because he wants to explain of individual freedom on the basis of Kant's moral theory about liberty. Kymlicka thinks that it is not a desirable way of defending liberal conception of liberty. According to his liberal theory, Rawls's defence of freedom of choice might make us think that we should have our freedom of choice for its own sake because freedom is the most valuable in the world. So Kymlicka wants to provide stronger argument to defend freedom of choice in liberalism. He insists that it is our projects and tasks that are most important things in our lives. Furthermore, he argues that we should conceive our freedom of choice as a precondition for pursuing those projects and practices that are valued for our good lives. Now I want to look at two concepts of liberty in liberalism with Rawls's theory and Kymlicaka's. In this paper, I shall look at criticisms of the liberal account of freedom of choice. These would give us a certain chance for understanding true freedom.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Floral Art and Design
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• no.42
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• pp.23-35
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• 2020

Standard carnations are widely used in flower design as a mass flower, but there is a limit to the use in that it can not be used in various colors in addition to its own color. The purpose of this study was to investigate how does artificial dyes affect vase life, using standard carnations, and to improve utilization of dyeing carnations in floral design. Using standard carnation 'White Liberty', dyeing experiment was performed according to four kinds of chemicals for each of six dyes. Six different dyes from Koch(Robert Koch industries Inc., USA) as follows light blue(2386), lime green(2315), christmas red(2506), lavender(2200), orange fire(2268) and black(2012) have been used and four different chemicals as follows distilled water, 4% ethanol, 3% sucrose and 100mg·L^-1 citric acid have been used with the cut Dianthus caryophyllus 'White Liberty'. As a result, six different dyes showed fast and excellent dyeing with 3% sucrose and 100mg·L^-1 citric acid treatment. But vase life in other dyes except black and lavender tended to be similar to control(7 days).

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.105-162
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• 2020

In the pandemic of infectious disease, restrictions of individual liberty have been justified in the name of public health and public interest. In March 2020, the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea passed the revised bill of the 「Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act.」 The revised bill newly established the legal basis for forced testing and disclosure of the information of confirmed cases, and also raised the penalties for violation of self-isolation and treatment refusal. This paper examines whether and how these individual liberty limiting clauses be justified, and if so on what ethical and philosophical grounds. The authors propose the theories of the philosophy of law related to the justifiability of liberty-limiting measures by the state and conceptualized the dual-aspect of applying the liberty-limiting principle to the infected patient. In COVID-19 pandemic crisis, the infected person became the 'Patient as Victim and Vector (PVV)' that posits itself on the overlapping area of 'harm to self' and 'harm to others.' In order to apply the liberty-limiting principle proposed by Joel Feinberg to a pandemic with uncertainties, it is necessary to extend the harm principle from 'harm' to 'risk'. Under the crisis with many uncertainties like COVID-19 pandemic, this shift from 'harm' to 'risk' justifies the state's preemptive limitation on individual liberty based on the precautionary principle. This, at the same time, raises concerns of overcriminalization, i.e., too much limitation of individual liberty without sufficient grounds. In this article, we aim to propose principles regarding how to balance between the precautionary principle for preemptive restrictions of liberty and the concerns of overcriminalization. Public health crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic requires a population approach where the 'population' rather than an 'individual' works as a unit of analysis. We propose the second expansion of the harm principle to be applied to 'population' in order to deal with the public interest and public health. The new concept 'risk to population,' derived from the two arguments stated above, should be introduced to explain the public health crisis like COVID-19 pandemic. We theorize 'the extended harm principle' to include the 'risk to population' as a third liberty-limiting principle following 'harm to others' and 'harm to self.' Lastly, we examine whether the restriction of liberty of the revised 「Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act」 can be justified under the extended harm principle. First, we conclude that forced isolation of the infected patient could be justified in a pandemic situation by satisfying the 'risk to the population.' Secondly, the forced examination of COVID-19 does not violate the extended harm principle either, based on the high infectivity of asymptomatic infected people to others. Thirdly, however, the provision of forced treatment can not be justified, not only under the traditional harm principle but also under the extended harm principle. Therefore it is necessary to include additional clauses in the provision in order to justify the punishment of treatment refusal even in a pandemic.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.135-156
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• 2010

In the 1640's and 1650's, Milton wrote many prose works on a variety of topics such as education, church polity, divorce, censorship, regicide, tithing, civil liberty, and blindness. Much of his prose shows us turbulent decades of English history. In this period, he also published his first collection of poems and wrote sonnets. He wrote 23 sonnets in his life, and many sonnets Milton wrote after he had become Latin secretary are occasional poems in historical time. Milton's sonnets, as Annabel Patterson says, are a marker in his personal development, in his life, in his career as a writer, and in the history of his time. Four sonnets (15, 16, 17, 23), written between 1648 and 1655, were not published in the collected edition of Milton's poem in 1673. These sonnets, addressed to leaders of the Parliamentary party during the English revolution, Thomas Fairfax, Oliver Cromwell, and Henry Vane, and to his friend Cyriack Skinner, have been known as "commonwealth" sonnets. They are also called as "heroic sonnets" because they have the common style and theme with his later heroic epic poems. These sonnets were finally published in 1694 by Milton's nephew John Phillips. Milton was interested in religious, domestic, and political liberty for his lifetime, and his heroic sonnets also deal with these ideas of liberty. Milton asks civil liberty from Fairfax, freedom in religion from Cromwell, and from Vane for the reconciliation of both. The aim of this article is to examine how the rhetorical strategies of his "left-handed" prose interact with those of his "right-handed" poetry. This paper explores the relationship between Milton's heroic sonnets and his prose works, such as The Second Defense of the People of England, A Treatise of Civil Power, and The Likeliest Means to Remove Hirelings. Milton deals with the critical issues of religious tolerance, the separation of church and state, liberty of conscience and defense of his blindness, and attempts to define the statesman's role in peacetime England in these heroic sonnets and prose works.

• Proceedings of the Korean Information Science Society Conference
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• 2003.04a
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• pp.452-454
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• 2003

본 논문은 국내 인터넷 환경에 Web SSO를 도입하는 방안에 대한 연구를 담고 있다. ID관리의 문제점으로 인해 Web SSO가 필요한 실정을 분석하고 현존하는 Web SSO 기술 검토하여 이중 Liberty방식을 채택한다. Liberty 방식의 Web SSO 구축 방안을 제안한 후 실제 사용되기 위해서 해결해야 할 기술적 검토사항을 분석하고 이에 대한 해결 방안으로 공인 IDP 체계를 제시한다. 실제 공인 Web SSO 구축을 위해 필요한 시스템 구성도 제안한다.

• Kyungpook Mathematical Journal
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.69-73
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• 1970

• The Journal of the Korean dental association
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• v.52 no.11
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• pp.656-669
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• 2014

This literature considers Pierre Fauchard's exploits under historical context of the enlightenment movement and development of the surgery during 18th century in France. <치과의사 Le Chirurgien Dentiste, ou Traite des dents>, a vast collection of the former and contemporary dental knowledge, technologies, and skills, established Modern Dentistry. To emphasize the professionality of dental treatment and actions involving it, Fauchard replaces the title 'dental expert' with 'stomatologist, or Le Chirurgien Dentiste' As professionalism tried to contribute to the public interest by sharing dental knowledge and technolgies, it had become a model for the dentists. Moreover, the professionalism has been accepted as an important value throughout the manufacture crafts era and the modern capitalist industrial society. Also the principles of liberty, equality, and tolerance founded during enlightenment movement, which is based on empirical positivism and rational reason, has become the legal basis of modern nations. In order to resolve the contradiction or conflict between 'liberty and equality' by 'tolerance for the public benefit', Korean dentists need develop professionalism.

• Review of Korean Society for Internet Information
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.78-85
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• 2013

The revelations made possible by Edward Snowden, a contractor of the US intelligence service NSA, are a sobering reminder that the Internet is not an 'anonymous' means of communication. In fact, the Internet has never been conceived with anonymity in mind. If anything, the Internet and networking technologies provide far more detailed and traceable information about where, when, with whom we communicate. The content of the communication can also be made available to third parties who obtain encryption keys or have the means of exploiting vulnerabilities (either by design or by oversight) of encryption software. Irrebuttable evidence has emerged that the US and the UK intelligence services have had an indiscriminate access to the meta-data of communications and, in some cases, the content of the communications in the name of security and protection of the public. The conventional means of judicial scrutiny of such an access turned out to be ineffectual. The most alarming attitude of the public and some politicians is "If you have nothing to hide, you need not be concerned." Where individuals have nothing to hide, intelligence services have no business in the first place to have a peek. If the public espouses the groundless assumption that State organs are benevolent "( they will have a look only to find out whether there are probable grounds to form a reasonable suspicion"), then the achievements of several hundred years of struggle to have the constitutional guarantees against invasion into privacy and liberty will quickly evaporate. This is an opportune moment to review some of the basic points about the protection of privacy and freedom of individuals. First, if one should hold a view that security can override liberty, one is most likely to lose both liberty and security. Civilized societies have developed the rule of law as the least damaging and most practicable arrangement to strike a balance between security and liberty. Whether we wish to give up the rule of law in the name of security requires a thorough scrutiny and an informed decision of the body politic. It is not a decision which can secretly be made in a closed chamber. Second, protection of privacy has always depended on human being's compliance with the rules rather than technical guarantees or robustness of technical means. It is easy to tear apart an envelope and have a look inside. It was, and still is, the normative prohibition (and our compliance) which provided us with protection of privacy. The same applies to electronic communications. With sufficient resources, surreptitiously undermining technical means of protecting privacy (such as encryption) is certainly 'possible'. But that does not mean that it is permissible. Third, although the Internet is clearly not an 'anonymous' means of communication, many users have a 'false sense of anonymity' which make them more vulnerable to prying eyes. More effort should be made to educate the general public about the technical nature of the Internet and encourage them to adopt user behaviour which is mindful of the possibilities of unwanted surveillance. Fourth, the US and the UK intelligence services have demonstrated that an international cooperation is possible and worked well in running the mechanism of massive surveillance and infiltration into data which travels globally. If that is possible, it should equally be possible to put in place a global mechanism of judicial scrutiny over a global attempt at surveillance.