• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.115-123
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• 2016

In this study, the landscape characteristics of the sacred Dangsan forests at Singi-ri, Namwon-si were investigated as an agricultural heritage, and the management scheme for revitalization of the village was introduced. FAO established the term of 'GIAHS' (Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems) for conservation of each country's farmland, unique agricultural landscape, and cultural diversity. The Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs of Korea evaluates that the Agricultural Heritage is a new means and potential for rural development. Dangsan forest, a traditional village forests of rural Korea is a representative 'agricultural heritage' with a history of more than several hundred years of Dangsan ritual. The Dangsan forests were closely linked with paddy fields. This forest was composed of two Dangsan forests, and one Bibo forest. Especially, the Dangsan forest 2 was established on the mounding with 395m in length and 15m in width. Although, most of Dangsan forests do not have accurate records about forest establishment, this forest has retained a stone monument that illustrated the history of the forest. These aspects of Singi-ri's Dangsan forest indicated clear difference and characteristics compared to other ones. This Dangsan forest has been left alone from the public attention. The Dangsan forest at Singi-ri need to be recognized for their valuable landscape characteristics. By linking the Dangsan forest with 'Jirisan trail', the trail path will lead people to the agricultural heritage at Singi-ri. Enhancing the management scheme will contribute to revitalize the village.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.33-50
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to seek the spatial organization and prototype landscape through literature reviews, historical evidences, and field surveys for Donggwanwangmyo(東關王廟) shrine in Seoul. The results were as follows : First, the basic layout of the main buildings in Donggwanwangmyo which is the remains influenced by China had bilateral symmetry on the central axis between the north and south. Second, the Chinese forms and features were found at Jeong-jeon and middle gate in Donggwanwangmyo, and the symbolic elements of royal authority was also found in each space of Donggwanwangmyo. Third, spatial organization was classified as the entrance and the ritual area, and the entrance area was maintained by administrators and was used as the place of ritual ceremony preparation. Fourth, the original form of Donggwanwangmyo had been damaged due to the project for making urban park in the 1970s. The most of the existing trees and shrubs which are not suitable to the shrine should be removed to recover the original landscape of Donggwanwangmyo and chui-byoung(翠屛), pond, landscape facilities also needed to be restored. Fifth, Donggwanwangmyo needed to reorganize the pious atmosphere to recover of the shrine environment, and needed to be reclassified as historical site. Finally, some criticizes that Donggwanwangmyo is the result of Toadyism, but Donggwanwangmyo can be used as the valuable tourism resource through the awareness that Donggwanwangmyo was built under the situation of Joseon Dynasty, and organization and understanding that Donggwanwangmyo is a symbolic remains for the exchange between Korea and China.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.101-109
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• 2012

Traditional village forests in Jeju Island represent unique cultural landscape with a history of more than several hundred years as a national cultural asset in Korea. In this paper, the characteristics and meaning of traditional village forests in Jeju Island was compared with the Dangsan and Bibo forests at inland. There are 368 Oreums, parasitic volcano, and 391 shrines of Dang(Divine place) in Jeju. Life, culture and tradition of rural villages are all connected with the Dang and Oreum in Jeju. It has been found from this study that the village in Jeju were established as a cultural landscape on the surface of natural landscape. The features of traditional villages focused on the Dang and Oreum in Jeju Island were similar to the Dangsan and Bibo forestsat inland villages. The Oreum represents mountain and the Pojedan forest is newly found in Sangmyung-ri. The seashore areas are covered by vaocanic rocks in Jeju and large scale windbreaks are hardly found. The stone tower at Sinheung-ri built for blocking sand movement represents Bibo forest. The special attribute of the Dang in Jeju is that it is close to real life and believers are still remain. In 2009, the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut ritual was nominated as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO. The shrine of Dang, however, has been degraded fast by construction of seashore road and Jeju Olle trail path. As for the world cultural heritage discussed at international conferences, it is important that there is sustainability on the right to enjoy cultural heritage. Integrated efforts from local residents, local governments and national government are needed to set up a management scheme for the Dang culture. Rural villages in Jeju with the Dang and Oreum are expected to get an international attention as to have traditional cultural landscapes of Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.135-145
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• 2012

Traditional village forests called Dangsan forests and Bibo forests in Korea represent an unique cultural landscape with a history of more than several hundred years. Feng-shui forest in China, Satoyama and Shinto shrine forest in Japan are recognized internationally as 'traditional ecological landscapes'. Dangsan forests and Bibo forests have been preserved through generations in the villages, and are no less valuable than Feng-shui forest, and Satoyama. However, the names of Dangsan forest and Bibo forest have not been well recognized worldwide. Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri, Wando-gun is located on a mountain slope at a riparian forest. It consists of an evergreen broadleaf forest and Carpinus laxiflora forest. The characteristics of Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri could be found at 10 sacrifice offering places. Two Dangsan trees on the coastal area are included in the sacrifice offering places. Cultural heritage can retain their value when they are fully sustained. Additional construction, demolition or modification should be banned. Furthermore, all means must be taken to facilitate the preservation of monuments and the value and meanings pertaining to them should not be distorted. In a respect of authenticity, Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri, Wando-gun seems to have original Dangsan culture based on animism with a philosophic background, where a religious service for the mountain god is held at rock of mountain god, and Dangsan ritual is held at shrine on January 8 at 4:00 am by lunar calendar. Relating to the conservation and management of cultural heritage in international discussion, the importance is that whether there is sustainability on the right to the enjoyment of cultural heritage. Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri is leaved alone to the public. The forest need a social mechanism to support the recovery of deformed shrine and to heighten public awareness of Dangsan forest in order to claim the value as a unique traditional ecological landscape in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.40-52
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• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.1-9
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• 2022

This study compared and reviewed the recognition determinants by applying the OECMs criteria, focusing on old big trees, plant of natural monument that are natural heritage under the national heritage system of the Cultural Heritage Administration, and the results are as follows. First, among the protected areas designated and managed by government agencies according to each protection purpose, it is necessary to actively introduce new conservation measures, OECMs, to fulfill the Biodiversity strategy for 2030 while the land area is already saturated. Second, the OECMs are geographically defined areas(CBD, 2018), not currently recognized as a protected areas, governed and managed in a way that achieves positived sustained and effective contribution to in situ conservation of biodiversity. Since the selection of term, the scope of application criteria, and the context of interpretation are inevitably different, it is necessary to separately legislate and establish related laws of the OECMs suitable for each country's situation. Third, as a result of reviewing the OECMs criteria for plant of natural monument, the final 58 potential resources were recognized. Important elements among the OECMs criteria are that buffer zones should be spaced apart from designated zones to secure a certain area, and that economic activities through commercial production should not occur and meet biodiversity standards. Among the potential candidates, 23 areas were analyzed to be geographically isolated and independent, such as Forest of Oriental Arborvitae in Do-dong, Daegu, and forest types such as Carstor Aralia of Gungchon-ri, Samcheok and Forest of Common Camellias in Maryang-ri, Seocheon. As a result of reviewing the application of OECMs criteria for plant of natural monument, it was confirmed that the functions as a traditional uses were specialized among the values of biodiversity, and ecosystem services and cultural and spiritual values were inherited through Korea's unique culture of old big trees and Dangsan ritual. In terms of biodiversity criteria, it can be used as an important factor in connecting human and natural ecosystem networks without the discovery of new species.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.357-380
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• 2021

Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a book that summarizes only the important contents from the Akjang 樂章. Akjang 樂章 is arranged in the first half, and score 樂譜 is arranged in the second half. It seems that Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 passed through a total of four stages through the time when the handwriting and the lyrics were written. The presence of various handwriting and traces of modifications means that it has been passed through by several people, so it is not unrelated to the fact that several traces remain on the back of the cover of Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』. The first part of the Akjang 樂章 is a method of presenting the name and lyrics of the accompanying music based on the ritual procedure, and in particular, the lyrics are written in Chinese characters and Hangeul sounds to improve readability. The score in the second half complies with the ritual procedures, but boldly omits overlapping melodies, and is composed based on the music, and various symbols are used to capture the expression of court music. This structure is a reflection of the direction we practiced to harmonize with the music after prior ritual procedures and diction. This was a device to increase the efficiency of music education and music practice for the court musician. The characteristics of the musical pieces are that they consist of essential musical pieces that must be mastered as musicians. In addition, the name Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植 is noted on the back cover of Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』, and he was a court musician who was active in the age of King Sunjo 純祖. In other words, the musical pieces included in Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 are the core repertoire played by court musicians like Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植. Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a 'music practice booklet' containing the daily life of court musicians. Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a booklet designed for the purpose of teaching the court musicians to sing while correctly pronouncing the lyrics in major ceremonies. It is even more noteworthy in that Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植 was an owner. In addition to the fact that Kim Hyung-sik's name remains, and in the practicality of being used by various court musicians reflecting and modifying the changes of the times, it is meaningful in that it contains the path of court musicians who spent a lot of time and time to transmit court music.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.180-195
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• 2016

Since being designated as an important Intangible Cultural Property, Yeongsanjae has become recognized as a unique representation of Buddhist rituals in Korea. Following vigorous research in recent years, however, Suryukjae(水陸齋) was found to have been performed for a longer period and on a larger scale than Yeongsanjae, and under state leadership. This allowed researchers to move beyond the previous perspective that Yeongsanjae(靈山齋) lay at the center of many rituals. This study aims first to examine the origin and development of Yeongsanjae in Korea based on the literature, and then to discuss the meaning it holds today. Yeongsanjae was recorded as a ritual in Jineongwongong -published in 1496 during the early Joseon Dynasty- and also appeared in Yeongsandaehoejakbeopjeolcha -published in 1634(the 12th year of Injo's reign) in the mid-Joseon Dynasty and it was called Yeongsandaehoejakbeopjeolcha. It continued into the late Joseon Dynasty and it was called Yeongsanjakbeop or Yeongsandaehoejakbeop in the Ojongbeomeum collections(1661), CheonjimyeongyangSuryukjaeuiBeomeumsanbo collections(1721), and Jakbeobguigam(1826). In modern times, it has been called Yeongsanje in newspaper articles of TongnipSinmun (The Independent) and Yeongsanjae in Seokmunuibeom(1935). Nevertheless, the difference between the early Joseon Dynasty and subsequent periods is whether mourning of the spirit(唱魂) is added. In this regard, Yeongsanhoe in the early Joseon Dynasty mainly concerned Buddhist teachings realized through rituals such as sermon scenes of the Buddha. On the other hand, it was combined with Buddhist masses for the dead(追薦) from the mid-Joseon Dynasty and performed alongside with Buddhist teachings and prayers for the dead. Taking into account the seven-day Suryukjae, however, Yeongsanjae was performed daily during the day and mainly dealt with Buddhist teachings, while Buddhist masses for the dead were included when Yeongsanjae was performed independently.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.24-47
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• 2013

This study focused on the constructional concepts, landscape design techniques and changes made of the Sandan(山壇) area in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace based on the spatial organization of the zone. The results of this study are as below. Constructional layers that have been maintained throughout the centuries from King Injo(仁祖), King Sukjong(肅宗), King Sunjo(純祖), the Japanese colonial period to the present, were found in the Sandan area. The Sandan area, which was developed with the establishment of Chuiseungjeong(取勝亭) during the ruling of King Injo(仁祖), was created as a resting place for the King, and its usage continued until King Sukjong(肅宗) built Nakminjeong(樂民亭). However, the whole area was reorganized to host ritual ceremonies, where ancestral rites were performed for the mountain gods, after Sandan and Baekunsa(白雲社) were built during King Gojong's reign, before the drawing of 'Painting of Eastern Palaces(東闕圖).' The architectural component used then appears to have been designed to serve ancestral ritual formalities for the god of land, or to satisfy the religious desires of the royal family not fulfilled by Confucian courtesy. These are characteristics that define the Sandan area. Meanwhile, the analysis of the ground plan of the Changdeokgung Palace revealed that the Sandan had been maintained until the Japanese colonial era, but was removed sometime after liberation. The area underwent extensive reform in the early 1970s, when the whole area was developed into a tourist destination called Bingcheon(氷泉). Then, a new road that runs through Bingcheon was laid, and the present condition reflects the construction result of the time. An interview with a person who had taken part in the repair work in the 1970s confirmed that the construction work at the time had the goal of establishing two drainage systems for drinking water and copied the Okryuchon(玉流川) well.