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Successful Management and Operating System of a UNESCO World Heritage Site - A Case Study on the Wadi Al-Hitan of Egypt - (유네스코 세계자연유산의 성공적인 관리와 운영체계 - 『이집트 Wadi Al-Hitan』의 사례 -)

  • Lim, Jong Deock
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.1
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    • pp.106-121
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    • 2011
  • The number of World Natural Heritage Sites is smaller than that of World Cultural Heritage Sites. As of 2010, the total number of natural sites was 180, which is less than 1/3 of all cultural sites. The reason why the number of natural sites is smaller can be attributed to the evaluating criteria of OUV(outstanding universal value). Only 9 fossil related sites were designated as World Heritage Sites among 180 Natural Sites. This study compares their OUVs including the academic value and characteristics of the 9 World Heritage Sites to provide data and reference for KCDC(Korean Cretaceous Dinosaur Coast) to apply as a World Natural Heritage Site. This study was carried out to obtain information and data on the Wadi Al-Hitan of Egypt which was designated as a World Natural Heritage Site. The study includes field investigation for whale fossils, interviews of site paleontologists and staff, and inspections of facilities. Three factors can likely be attributed to its successful management and operating system. First, there is a system for comprehensive research and a monitoring plan. Secondly, experts have been recruited and hired and professional training for staff members has been done properly. Finally, the Wadi Al-Hitan has developed local resources with specialized techniques for conservation and construction design, which matched well with whale fossils and the environment at the site. The Wadi Al-Hitan put a master plan into practice and achieved goals for action plans. To designate a future World Natural Heritage Site in Korea, it is important to be recognized by international experts including IUCN specialists as the best in one's field with OUV. Full-time regular-status employees for a research position are necessary from the preparation stage for the UNESCO World Heritage Site. Local government and related organizations must do their best to control monitoring plans and to improve academic value after the UNESCO World Heritage Site designation. As we experienced during the designation process of Jeju Volcanic Island and Lava Tubes as the first Korean World Natural Heritage Site, participation by various scholars and specialists need to be in harmony with active endeavors from local governments and NGOs.

A Study on the 18th Joseon Dynasty Sculturers Choi Cheon-Yak (조선 18세기 조각가 최천약(崔天若) 연구)

  • Kim, Min Kyu
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.124-139
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    • 2013
  • Choi Cheon-yak(about 1684~1755) is an artist who left the various artistic works such as sculptures of royal tombs, architectures. In addition, he was not only a skilled caster but also an able artisan carving jade in the early Joseon Dynasty period. Starting from making royal seals of King Suk-jong, he had made more than about 40 Royal seals until 1755. Choi Cheon-yak was well known as a skilled jade craftsman. Another of his great abilities was to carve subjects into ideal figures. In virtue of his greater abilities, he could take part in the process of constructing Royal tombs and sculpting the stone statues of military officials' which were erected at aristocrats' tombs. With these accumulated skills, when he was in charge of designing the folding screen stones for King In-jo's Jang Neong, he could even replace 12 animals system and clouds with peonies and lotus. Among his various abilities, his skill in carving a sculpture can stand comparison with any other contemporaries. His sculpture skill was at its zenith in 1752, the stone statues of military officials' at the Ui soseson's tomb count his showpiece that describes a model at the age of his late teens and is a realistic and portrayal sculpture, which met the royal family's dignity. In the same year, the stone statues of military officials' constructed by Choi Cheon-yak was elected in front of the Jo Hyen-myeong's tomb(1690~1752). This masterpiece referred to the armor of those of King Gong-min Neong and newly added a helmet and the patterns of a tortoise shell. These patterns of a tortoise shell were passed down to Park Moon-su's tomb in 1756 and Queen Jeong-sung's Hong Neung by his colleagues : Kim Ha-jeong and Byeon Yi-jin etc. He was one of the greatest sculptors in the $18^{th}$ century. People in Joseon praised him highly for his imaginative work from an amorphous object. Especially, these stone statues of military at Jo Hyeonmyeong's tomb shows the proofs of his supreme artwork.

The Acceptance and Transition of Confucian Gamsil in Joseon period (조선시대 유교식 감실(龕室)의 수용과 변용)

  • Park, Jong Min
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.4
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    • pp.56-69
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    • 2011
  • A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.

Semantic Interpretation of the Nu-Jeong Cultural Landscape During the 16~18th Century at Youngnam and Honam Area -Focusing on the Designated Cultural Properties- (16~18세기 영·호남 누정에 깃든 문화경관의 의미론적 해석 - 지정 문화재를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Hyun Woo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.190-217
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    • 2012
  • This research has studied the building awareness of Nu-Jeong that a view of nature and aesthetic consciousness to unite the nature are inherent by considering Nu-Jeong of scholars who left fame and wealth behind and retired to hermitage in the backwoods in the 16~18 Century. This is to clarify correlation with leaving nature as it is, namely, an ideal state that scholars at the time would enjoy, through landscape awareness accepted into Nu-Jeong literature. In addition, this research has tracked the ideologic flow that acts on space formation by clarifying Korean unique meanings inherent to Nu-Jeong's cultural landscape. As a suggestion for this, the interpretation through 'Pungsu location Nu-Jeong name's analysis Nu-Jeong literature analysis', etc. was tried, so its integrated conclusion is as follows. It is not a chance that scholars of Joseon have left numerous literature works singing the nature. They already had huge interest and knowledge on the nature, and achieved active poetic exchange by sublimating the praise of nature as literature. Nu-Jeong, which was a place of exchange like this, had cleanliness of the nature and ideological purity as an oppositional space on turbid political realities. The Nu-Jeong literature drew the nature into a literature space as it is, without doing abstraction or ideation on the nature. The owner of Nu-Jeong exclusively possessed such natural landscape in grim and independent postures, so it provided a clue of Nu-Jeong cultural landscape that this research aimed to discuss. Scholars who aimed to raise wide and large vigor filled in between the sky and earth got to convince that people are born from the nature, grow in the nature and finally return to the nature. What people are born from the nature and finally return to the nature is just consistent with Taoistic and Zhua-ngzi thoughts denying human work, and leaving nature as it is or nature itself remained intact which is an ideal state. The construction at the time is a vessel containing the spirit of the times of the era. This thesis has proved that the Nu-Jeong culture of scholars located on the central line of Korean landscape was the flower of Joseon's scholar culture by interpreting it semantically.

A Study on the Space Planning and Landscape of 'Unjoru(雲鳥樓)' as Illustrated in the Family Hereditary Drawing, "Jeolla Gurye Ohmidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)" ('전라구례오미동가도(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)'를 통해 본 운조루(雲鳥樓)의 공간배치계획과 경관 고찰)

  • Shin, Sang-sup
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.4
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    • pp.48-63
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    • 2013
  • The results of the study on the space planning and landscape design of Unjoru(雲鳥樓) through the 'Jeolla Gurye Omidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)' drawn using GyeHwa(界畵) technique are as follows. First, 'Omidong Gado' is believed to date back to the period when Unjoru(1776~1783) was established for the following reasons: (1) The founder, Yoo-IJu(柳爾?), sent the drawing for the house while he was serving as the governor of YongCheon county(龍川府史). (2) It shows the typical dwelling houses' space division and its location is in a good spot with mountain in the back and water in front(背山臨水) and there is every indication of scheme drawing. (3) Front gate was changed and remodeled to a lofty gate in 1804. Second, Nogodan & Hyeongjebong of Jiri Mountain sit at the back of Unjoru, and faces Obong mountain and Gyejok mountain. In addition, the Dongbang stream flowing to the east well illustrates the Pungsu theory of mountain in the back and water in the front. Third, the house is structured in the shape resembling the character 品, divided into 5 areas by hierarchical order in the cross line from all directions. The site, which includes the outdoor yard and the back garden, consists of 5 blocks, 6 yards and 2 gardens. Fourth, the outdoor yard with aesthetical value and anti-fire function, is an ecological garden influenced by Confucianism and Taoism with a pond (BangJiWonDo Type, 方池圓島形) at the center. Fifth, the Sarang yard(舍廊庭) is decorated with terrace garden and flower garden, and the landscaping components such as oddly shaped stone, crane, plum, pine tree, tamarisk tree and flowering plants were used to depict the ideal fairy land and centrally placed tree for metaphysical symbolism. The upper floor of Sarangchae commands distant and medium range view, as well as upwards and downwards. The natural landscape intrudes inside, and at the same time, connects with the outside. Sixth, pine forest over the northern wall and the intentionally developed low hill are one of the traditional landscaping techniques that promotes pleasant residential environment as well as the aesthetics of balanced fullness.

An Examination on the Origin of Stone Pagodas of the Silla Kingdom (신라석탑(新羅石塔)의 시원(始源) 고찰(考察))

  • Nam, Si Jin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.2
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    • pp.154-169
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    • 2009
  • Korea is famous for a number of stone pagodas. In particular, it is noticeable that the stone pagodas came after wooden pagodas in all the Kingdoms of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. Since the advent of wooden pagodas, it was during the latter half period of Three Kingdoms(especially, in the early Seventh century) that the first stone pagoda appeared at Mireuksa Temple site in imitation of the wooden ones. Now that no one can deny that Korean stone pagodas have developed, imitating the wooden pagodas. It is also obvious that the Stone Pagoda at Mireuksa site is the prototype of Korean stone pagodas. However, this study casts doubt on the theory that the stone pagodas in the Silla Kingdom originated not from the wooden pagodas, but from the brick pagodas, whereas the stone pagodas in Baekje Kingdom which has been said to come from the wooden ones. The fact that the temples and pagodas in both Baekje and Silla were erected by the same builders and technicians is one of the evidences supporting the assertion of the study. This study, accordingly, examines on the origin of the Silla pagodas by supposing the two genealogies. The first one can be summarized in chronological order as follows: starting from wooden pagodas, Stone Pagoda at Mireuksa site, Stone Pagoda at Jungrimsa site, Stone Pagoda at Gameunsa site, and Stone Pagoda at Goseonsa site. The second one, on the other hand, runs as follows: starting from bick pagodas, Stone Pagoda at Bunhwangsa, Uiseong Tapri five-storied Stone Pagoda, Seonsan Jukjang-ri five-storied Stone Pagoda, and Seonsan Naksan-ri three-storied Stone Pagoda in order. As the above genealogies show, the origin of the stone pagodas has been an controversy, especially because of the two different points of view: the one is that the roof-supporting strata(Okgaesuk-Bachim) originated from the brick structure and the ancient tomb ceiling of Goguryeo Kingdom, and the other is that the strata is a sort of the simplified design of the wooden roof structure. This study, however, takes note of the difference in length of the strata between the brick pagodas and the stone pagodas; the former stretches out its strata longer than the latter. Consequently, the study points out that the roof-supporting strata of the stone pagodas is originally a sort of modification of the wooden roof structure.

Investigation of Microbial Contamination in Semisulcospira libertine and Evaluation of Its Reduction Effects by Sediment Removal Treatment (다슬기(Semisulcospira libertine)의 미생물 오염도 평가 및 해감 제거공정에 따른 저감화 효과)

  • Choi, Man-Seok;Jun, Eun Bi;Choi, Seungho;Bang, Hyeon-Jo;Park, Shin Young
    • Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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    • v.34 no.4
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    • pp.361-366
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    • 2019
  • In this study, microbial contamivation semisulcospira libertine and effect of sedimentation treatment of major bacterial and fungal pathogens were investigated. The total aerobic bacteria, coliforms, Escherichia coli, Staphylococcus aureus, and yeast and mold present in raw and water-dipped Semisulcospira libertine were enumerated using the standard plate count methods on using the standard plate method on potato dextrose agar (PDA), 3M Petrifilm for coliforms / E. coli, 3M Petrifilm for S. aureus, and plate count agar (PCA), respectively. In analysis of microbial contamination of raw Semisulcospira libertine, the total aerobic bacteria, coliforms, and yeast and mold were monitored as 6.40, 2.70, and $6.79{\log}_{10}CFU/g$, respectively. Both E. coli and S. aureus were not detected (detection limit: 10 CFU/g). However, Semisulcospira libertine dipped in ground water for 3 hours had higher contamination levels of all natural indigenous microorganisms than raw Semisulcospira libertine. Especially, E. coli was detected as $2.46{\log}_{10}CFU/g$ in the ground water-dipped Semisulcospira libertine. The total aerobic bacteria in the ground water-dipped Semisulcospira libertine was not significantly reduced (p>0.05) compared to that in the raw Semisulcospira libertine. Moreover, coliforms were significantly increased (p>0.05) in all water-dipped Semisulcospira libertine. Only fungi were slightly reduced (less than 0.2 log) (p>0.05) in the tap water-dipped Semisulcospira libertine by comparison with the raw Semisulcospira libertine. The results of this study suggest that the use of chemical sterilizing agents and other physical methods in the washing stage will be necessary for the microbial reduction in raw Semisulcospira libertine because the use of sediment removal treatment by ground or tap water did not affect the microbiological safety of the raw Semisulcospira libertine.

Basic Study on the Building Principles of Structure in Mireuksaji Stone Pagoda (미륵사지서탑 축조의 구조 원리에 관한 기초 연구 6~7세기 전반 목탑과의 비교분석을 중심으로)

  • Cho, Eun Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.2
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    • pp.86-109
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    • 2009
  • Mireuksa Temple was founded during the reign of King Mu of Baekje(AD 600-641). The circumstance of the construction of this temple is documented in "Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samgukyusa)". The pagoda named stone pagoda at Mireuksaji temple stands outside the main sanctuary of the western area. The south and west sides of the stone pagoda have completely collapsed, leaving only the eastern facade of six of its levels intact. Through the recent discovery of sarira reliquary we can see that the erection of this pagoda was in 639. So owing to accumulation of excavation results about Baekje temple site and vigorous academic exchange, it is possible that architecture of western pagoda at Mireuksaji temple can be understood in connection with the architectural development of wooden pagoda from 6th to early 7th century in East Asia. So this study is on the consideration of building of this pagoda putting first structure of upper part and cross-shaped space in 1st floor. It was considered that the material characteristics as stone could be applied to the temple pagoda architecture of large scale. The results are as follows. First, it had been built in recognition that the outer and inner part of pagoda should be separated. As it is the expression of structural system in temple pagoda architecture of large scale at that time. In pagoda there was a self-erected structure and the members of outer part of it were constructed additionally. Second, in Mireuksaji stone pagoda there is central column with stones. With inner part of pagoda it can be regarded as mixed structural system that constitutes central contral column and inner structural part. And it could be a kind of middle step to more developed structure of whole as wooden pagodas in Japan. Third, as the sarira reliquary was in central column on the first floor, the cross-shaped space could be made. The formation of this space was so on the natural meaning of sarira that the concept as memorial service of graves could be apllied to the pagoda. The style of tomb in Baekje was expressed to the space of 1st floor in pagoda where Sarira had been mstalled. That was not only effective presentation of symbolic space but also easier method in the use of same material.

A Study on the Sketch of Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple (수타사 삼신불괘불도(三身佛掛佛圖) 초본(草本) 연구)

  • Kim, Chang Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.112-131
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    • 2009
  • The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

The characteristics of capital city plan of the BianLieng palace, the Dongjing Walled Town (東京城), the Northern song Dynasty (북송 동경 변량성의 조영과 특징)

  • Dashu, Qin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.3
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    • pp.114-159
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    • 2012
  • The Northern Song Dynasty Period (北宋時代) was a drastic transitional era in all aspect of Chinese society including the politico-economic system, ideology and cultural trait. These changes that began in the late Tang (唐) Dynasty Period accomplished in the Northern Song Dynasty. In this phase, the fundamental change influenced in all institutional area; and among them, the capital city planning and its associating building technology to pile stone walls shows one of the significant change of those time. Based on the geographical factor, confluences of many rivers, the Kaifeing (開封) area where the BianLieng palace had developed as a political and economical centre since the Tang Dynasty when the Grand Canal was constructed. According to archaeological researches, the central city structure of Dongjing Walled Town was begun to plan in the late Tang Dynasty and formed in Five Dynasties. The fundamental functional change of city completed in the Midnorthern Song Dynasty. In spite of the relatively late beginning of archaeological investigations to Kaifeng Walled Town and Dongjing Walled Town due to unfavourable natural environment, excavations inaugurated since 1981 have achieved the significant investigations including the actual measurement and excavation to the outer wall, the preliminary excavation to the inner city area, the investigation and excavation to the royal palace of Song and the survey to the royal palace of King Zho in the Ming (明) Dynasty. These surveys have provide important data to reconstruct the 변량 palace, and elucidate the characteristics of city plan in the Dongjing Walled Town and the institutional change of capital city plan of the Northern Song Dynasty. The basic layout of Dongjing Walled Town reflect the realisation of ideality of the late Chinese medieval capital city structure that establish the commercial and economic centre based on the intensification of emperor's power by means of the organisation of ethical institution and the development of commercial economy. Firstly, the central place of the Kaifeng area is encircled with triple walls. This emphasise the authority of emperor located on the summit in the hierarchical ethic system succeeding to the main capital city plan of the late phase of ancient China. Secondly, the location of Dongjing Walled Town was decided by the transport network and the commercial function and defence function. Thirdly, this site shows the change of city structure and landscape of the Northern Song Dynasty. The closed Fengri (坊里: block) system transferred the open Jiexiang (街巷: road) system. Fourthly, the capital city was characterised by the free market trade and the diversification of market place. Fifthly, a convenient transport network in the Bian River, a centre of the Grand Canals, enabled to construct the Kaifeng Walled Town. Therefore, the Northern Song Dynasty continuously accomplished the developed water system as concerning about the utilisation of waterways after the construction of city.