• 제목/요약/키워드: IS terrorism

검색결과 334건 처리시간 0.031초

국가기반시설 물리적 방호체계 운영개념 및 설계방법 개선방안 연구: 원자력발전소를 중심으로 (A Study on the Concept of Operations and Improvement of the Design Methodology for the Physical Protection System of the National Infrastructure - Focused on Nuclear Power Plants -)

  • 나석종;성하얀;최선희
    • 시큐리티연구
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    • 제61호
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    • pp.9-38
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    • 2019
  • 한국의 국가기반시설은 시설규모가 증가하고 밀집되어 강화된 북한의 국지도발, 테러공격을 위한 풍부하고 매력적인 잠재적 표적으로 식별될 것이다. 또한 드론위협, 주 52시간 근무제도에 따른 경비병력 부족 등의 보안환경 변화에 따라 현 물리적 방호체계에 대한 유효성과 적절성을 재평가하고 전환을 고려할 시점으로 사료된다. 본 연구에서는 국가기반시설 중 원자력발전소의 외곽 물리적 방호체계에 집중하여 국가 기반시설 외곽 물리적 방호체계의 전환 방향과 개선방안을 운영개념 및 설계 방법론 측면에서 연구하였다. 원자력발전소에 집중하는 이유는 원자력발전소는 피해 시 전기발전 중단의 단기적인 피해와 함께, 방사능 물질 유출과 오염에 따르는 광범위하고 장기적인 피해가 발생하므로 가장 높은 보안수준을 필요로 하기 때문이다. 개선방향 도출 목표로 국내 연구동향과 국내·해외 관련법을 종합 검토하고 한국의 특수성을 고려하여, 과학화, 기동화, 유연성으로 운영개념을 재설정하고 체계전환의 기준을 수립하였다. 새로운 외곽 물리적 방호체계의 기술적 성능개선을 위하여 개별설계에서 탈피, 고신뢰성·다방법론 기반의 통합설계 방법론 적용방안을 연구하고 구매제도 개선 및 해외 수출, 타(他)국가기반시설로의 확대적용을 제언한다.

소말리아 정부와 테러조직 간 권력구도 변화 영향요인 연구 (A Study on the Changing Factors of the Power Transition among the Gov ernments of Somalia and Terrorisms)

  • 이표규
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제21권1호
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    • pp.137-147
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    • 2021
  • 본 논문의 연구목적은 소말리아 연방(지방)정부와 테러조직 간의 권력구도 변화를 분석하여, 테러 집단들의 권력 확대를 가능하게 하는 요인들을 정리해 내는 것이다. 이를 위해, 모겐소, 오간스키, 그리고 홀스티의 이론에서 권력구도 변경에 영향을 미치는 요인들인 조직의 설립목적 및 배경, 활동 중점 및 방향, 조직 힘의 변화(외부 지원 군사력), 활동에 대한 대중의 지지 등의 독립변수를 추출하여, 분석의 틀을 만들었다. 이를 기초로 2012년 8월 소말리아 연방정부 시점부터, 2019년 8월까지 연방정부, 소말릴란드, 푼트란드, 알 사뱌브, ISIS 간 권력구도를 분석한 결과, 연구 종점의 연방정부의 권위는 약화된 반면, 무정부 갈등과 얄 샤바브, ISIS 권력지역은 오히려 확대되어 있었다. 이런 과정에서 나타난 현상과 사건들에 기초하여, 분석의 틀에서 제시한 요인들은 강력한 연방정부 수립 지연과 그로 인한 국가 자국군 역량 부족, 미국, 영국 등 외부 지원국 군사력의 효율적 사용제한, 테러단체 간 협력 및 반목 지속, 소말리아 내 뿌리 깊게 형성된 종교 및 사회적 전통인 이슬람법에 기초한 테러단체들에게 유리한 은신환경, 경제상황 낙후로 인한 병력 모집의 용이성, 무능한 정부보다는 테러단체들의 목표 및 행위에 대한 대중의 지지형성 등으로 소말리아 권력구도 변화에 맞게 구체화할 수 있었다. 이들 요인들은 연방정부와 테러단체 간 갈등 해결을 어렵게 만들어 소말리아내 무정부 상태를 지속시키는 원인으로 작용하고 있었다.

미국·영국·독일 국가정보체계 개혁 양상과 한국 국가정보원 개혁에 대한 시사점 (The Nature of Reform in the U.S., UK, Germany National Intelligence Systems and Implications for Reform of the Korean National Intelligence Service)

  • 윤태영
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제18권2호
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    • pp.167-177
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    • 2018
  • 미국, 영국, 독일 등 주요국들은 2001년 9/11 테러 이후 초국가적이고 비대칭적이며 포괄적인 위협에 직면하여 국가정보체계를 개혁하고, 대테러리즘, 대량살상무기(WMD) 확산저지, 국토안보, 극우 극좌 과격주의 위협에 대한 정보역량을 강화하였다. 2017년 출범한 한국의 문재인 정부는 국가정보원의 불법적 정치적 개입과 권력남용을 청산하고, 국가안보를 위한 효율적인 국가정보기관으로 재탄생시키기 위해 개혁방안을 마련하여 논의하고 있다. 국가정보원의 개혁방향을 논의할 때 중요한 사항은 첫째, 정보기관의 분리형 모델을 채택하여 국가정보원의 국내정보 활동을 일부 제한하고 국외정보 활동에 전념하게 할 것인지 또는 새로운 국내정보활동 기관을 설치할 것인지에 대한 심층적인 검토가 필요하다. 둘째, 국가정보원의 대공수사권을 경찰에 이관하는 문제는 북한의 지속적 군사도발, 대남공작 및 사이버 위협이 지속되는 상황에서, 정보기관 활동의 효율성과 전문성의 균형 측면에서 신중히 접근해야하는 사안이다. 셋째, 행정부와 국회의 정보기관 통제 감독 기능을 강화하여 민주화시대에 부합하는 국가정보원의 정치적 중립성 유지, 시민기본권 보장 및 예산집행의 투명성 제고를 위해 노력해야할 것이다.

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테러와의 전쟁 시기 영국군의 여성인력 활용정책 연구 (A Study of the British Armed Forces Policy Utilizing Female Personnel during the War on Terror)

  • 조상근;김인찬;홍명숙;유선영;전소민;박상혁
    • 문화기술의 융합
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    • 제8권2호
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    • pp.203-208
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    • 2022
  • 영국은 테러와의 전쟁 시기 출산율 저하로 병역 가능자원이 감소하고 모병율이 저하되었으나, IS와 러시아로부터 발생하는 복합적인 안보위협이 점차 가중되는 상황에 직면하였다. 영국군은 이와 같은 도전을 극복하기 위한 방책의 하나로 기존의 사회적 보수성을 타파하고 여성인력을 근접전투 직위에 보직하는 정책을 추진하였다. 이를 위해, 영국군은 여군 활용 사례 발굴, 종단연구, 전투실험 등을 통해 군내 공감대를 형성하였고, 이후 사회적 공감대를 형성하기 위해 국민 의견을 수렴하기 위해 전략적 소통을 진행하였다. 이와 더불어, 근접전투를 수행하는 전투원이라면 누구나 통과해야 할 전투체력 평가체계를 구축하여 정책의 신뢰성을 증진시켰다. 우리나라도 미중 패권경쟁이 가속화되는 가운데 인구절벽으로 인한 병역 가능자원의 감소로 안보위협이 가중되고 있다. 따라서 영국군 사례는 우리에게 적지 않은 시사점과 향후 여성인력 정책 수립에 필요한 방향성을 제공할 것으로 보인다.

Bright Internet 신뢰네트워크 도입에 따른 지능정보사회의 사이버 역기능 해소에 대한 인식 분석 (Analysis on the Perception of the Cyber Dysfunction in the Intelligent Information Society According to the Introduction of the Bright Internet Trust Network)

  • 임규건;안재익
    • 경영정보학연구
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    • 제22권3호
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    • pp.99-118
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    • 2020
  • 현재 우리 사회는 4차 산업혁명의 물결 속에서 지능정보사회로 전개되고 있으며 이러한 변화는 모든 분야를 혁신시키는 긍정적 효과를 가져 올 것이다. 하지만 기술의 양면성으로 순기능과 동시에 역기능이 발생되고 있다. 지능화에 의해 해킹, 테러, 개인정보 침해, 불법콘텐츠 유통 등 사이버 역기능에 대한 위협은 더욱 심각해 질 것이다. 지금까지 인터넷의 보안 체계는 사후적(Proactive) 보안체계였으나 근래에 예방적(Preventive) 보안체계 방안인 신뢰네트워크에 대한 제안이 이루어지고 있다. 이에 본 연구에서는 신뢰네트워크 기술 중 하나인 Bright Internet에 대해서 지능정보사회의 사이버 역기능 해소 가능성을 분석하고자 한다. 본 연구에서는 지능정보사회의 사이버 역기능을 정의하고 Bright Internet 5대 원칙 도입에 대한 지능정보사회의 사이버 역기능 변화에 대한 인식을 분석한다. 연구결과 Brighit Internet 신뢰네트워크 도입으로 인한 지능정보사회의 역기능 해소가 가능하며 특히 사이버 범죄 및 테러, 권리침해 영역의 개선이 클 것으로 예측되었다. 5대 원칙 중에는 확인 가능한 익명성의 원칙과 국제 협력 조사 원칙이 역기능 해소의 기대치가 높게 나타나 효과가 클 것으로 분석되었다.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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재난 후 소아청소년의 정신사회적 개입: 체계적 문헌고찰(1991~2015) (Psychosocial Interventions for Children and Adolescents after a Disaster: A Systematic Literature Review (1991-2015))

  • 이미선;황준원;이철순;김지연;이주현;김은지;장형윤;배승민;박장호;방수영
    • Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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    • 제27권4호
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    • pp.278-305
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    • 2016
  • Objective: The aim of this systematic literature review is to analyze the psychosocial interventions for children and adolescents after disasters. Methods: We conducted a review of the extant research literature from 1991 to 2015 via a comprehensive search of the MEDLINE, EMBASE, Cochrane CENTRAL, PubMed and PsyclNFO databases. The keywords employed in this research included: 'child', 'adolescent', 'youth', 'disaster', 'posttraumatic', 'psychosocial', 'therapy' and 'intervention'. The researchers followed the PRISMA guidelines. A total of 850 articles were screened for their eligibility and fifty-nine were found to meet the study criteria. The final data analysis was performed based on the disaster type, study design, type of intervention, sample size, age, school grade, number of sessions, setting of intervention delivery, providers, approach and parent involvement. Results: Countries worldwide have experienced various kinds of disasters, including earthquakes, hurricanes, vessel accidents, tornados, tsunamis, volcanic eruptions, war, fire, terrorism, and traffic accidents. The types of psychosocial intervention that were conducted after these disasters included: psychological first aid, psychological debriefing, psychoeducation, trauma focused cognitive behavior therapy, eye movement desensitization reprocessing, prolonged exposure therapy, group play therapy and arts therapy, project interventions, school-based interventions and web-based interventions. Conclusion: The findings of the systematic literature review suggest that an appropriate psychosocial intervention could be utilized as evidence-based mental health treatment for children and adolescents after disasters.

미국의 9/11 애도 작업에 관한 고찰 : 9/11추모관 건립과 테러와의 전쟁을 중심으로 (The Work of Mourning of 9/11 in U. S. A)

  • 오봉희
    • 비교문화연구
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    • 제38권
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    • pp.89-113
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    • 2015
  • This paper explores the work of mourning of 9/11 in the United States, focusing on the project of building the National September 11 Memorial managed by the Lower Manhattan Development Corporation(LMDC) and the War on Terror declared by the George W. Bush administration in the wake of 9/11. This paper first looks at the project of building the Natioanl September 11 Memorial and considers what was at stake in achieving this project. It also examines the limitations of the project. This paper argues that, in spite of the efforts to mourn the victims in significant and meaningful ways, the work of mourning in the memorial project fails at least in two respects. First, the memorial project "began so soon" right after 9/11 that the victims' families were not given enough time to mourn their loved ones. Second, the project were permeated with American nationalism and patriotism, which made the 316 non-American victims of 9/11 invisible and forgotten. Then, it goes on to examine the War on Terror because the War on Terror epitomized the failure of mourning due to these causes. In his address to the nation delivered on the very day of 9/11, President George W. Bush stated that "America was targeted for the attack because we're the brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world" and that the terrorists failed to threaten America into chaos. He also stated that America is in "the war against terrorism." These statements were a futile reassertion of the illusion of American invulnerability and a prohibition of mourning in favor of violent military responses to 9/11. American nationalism also underlies Bush's official naming of September 11 as "Patriot Day." The victims were sacrificed because they were at the site when terrorists attacked, which implies that their death had nothing to do with American patriotism. Naming September 11 as Patriot Day was an act of imbuing the absurdity of the victims' death with a false meaning and an act of forgetting the non-American victims. The failure of the work of mourning of 9/11 consisted in the inability to recognize human vulnerability and interdependence and the inability to mourn not only American victims but also non-American victims killed in 9/11 and the War on Terror. A meaningful and significant mourning could be possible when we realizes that all human beings are exposed to one another and their lives are interdependent on one another. September Eleventh Families for Peaceful Tomorrows well demonstrated this kind of mourning. When most Americans supported violent retaliations, Peaceful Tomorrows made pleas for nonviolent responses to 9/11. Turning their grief into action for peace, its members work "to create a safer and more peaceful world for everyone," not only for Americans. Their effort to mourn in meaningful and nonviolent ways delivers the message that a disaster like 9/11 should not happen anywhere.

스마트 기업의 BCMS 도입이 조직 인식구조 변화에 미친 영향에 관한 연구 (자동차 부품 제조업 중심으로) (A Study On the Effects of Recognition Structure Change of Organization According to the BCMS Introduction in Smart Industry (Focused on Manufacturing Industries of Automobile Parts))

  • 조기훈;김동헌;장호진
    • 한국방재안전학회논문집
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    • 제11권2호
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    • pp.9-15
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    • 2018
  • 비즈니스 연속성에 치명적인 영향을 줄 수 있는 홍수, 호우, 강풍 등 자연재해와 911 미국테러, 사이버 공격 등의 사회재난 등으로 부터, 비즈니스 연속성을 유지할 수 있도록 기업 내에 비즈니스 연속성 경영시스템 (BCMS)의 도입 및 구축이 필요한 실정이며, 이를 체계적이고, 효율적인 운영 및 관리하기 위해 조직의 비상사태에 대한 조직 인식구조의 변화가 무엇보다 필요하다고 할 수 있다. 따라서, 본 연구는 스마트 F기업의 비즈니스 연속성 경영시스템 (BCMS) 도입에 따른 조직의 인식구조 변화에 미치는 효과 및 영향을 분석해 보기위해, 개인인식, 조직문화, 조직구조, 조직전략 이상 4가지 범주로 나누어, 설문조사를 실시하였고, 그 설문 자료를 통해, 통계적으로 분석하여, 비즈니스 연속성 경영시스템 도입이 각 범주별로 조직의 인식구조 변화에 미치는 영향을 분석하고, 검증하였다. 이 연구를 통해, 기업 내에 비즈니스 연속성 경영시스템 도입이 비상사태에 대한 조직의 인식구조에 효과적인 변화를 가져오며, 이를 통해 기업의 가치 향상은 물론 비즈니스 연속성을 유지하는데 커다란 도움이 될 수 있을 것이라고 본다.

21세기 미주대륙과 대서양 해양안보의 딜레마: 미4함대의 등장과 남미지역과 갈등 (Ocean Security and its Dilemma among the OAS countries in the 21st Century: Conflict between the Re-establishment of the 4th Fleet and Emerging of UNASUR in S. America)

  • 하상섭
    • 국제지역연구
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    • 제14권2호
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    • pp.449-476
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    • 2010
  • 이 논문은 오늘날 미국과 라틴아메리카를 중심으로 대서양 지역에서 빠르게 변화 발전하고 있는 해양안보 개념의 변천과 주요 해양안보를 일으키는 갈등 이슈들을 조망해 보는 것을 목적으로 연구되었다. 지정학적으로 유럽과 라틴아메리카 그리고 미국을 둘러싸고 있는 대서양 지역에서의 해양안보 중점 이슈에 대한 전반적인 역사적 고찰과 더불어 오늘날 다양한 해양안보 개념의 발전과 갈등 현안들을 특히 미국과 라틴아메리카 국가들을 축으로 살펴보는 데 그 의의가 있다. 이에 더하여 영토 분쟁 및 해양안보를 둘러싼 라틴아메리카 역내 국가 간 갈등의 역사 탐색뿐만 아니라 21세기 들어 새롭게 떠오르고 있는 미국-라틴아메리카 지역 간 해양안보 갈등의 중요 배경과 이슈들을 조명해 봄으로서 오늘날 대서양 지역에서 발생하고 있는 새로운 안보갈등 딜레마를 조명해 보고자 한다. 특히 남대서양 해양안보를 위한 미국 제4함대의 재등장은 이러한 해양안보 딜레마의 중심축에 놓여있다. 본 논문은 미 해군 4함대를 둘러싼 대서양 지역의 안보갈등을 국제정치학적 '해양안보' 개념을 통해 갈등 원인을 분석하고, 21세기 대서양 지역에서 안보개념의 변화를 구체적인 사례 분석과 더불어 새롭게 분석 평가해 보는데 의의가 있다.