• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.107-132
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• 2024

This study attempted to analyze newspaper articles related to May 18 through frequency analysis and network analysis using news data related to May 18 for about 30 years from 1990 to 2022 at the Korea Press Foundation's Big Kinds. Specifically, quantitative change trends were examined by analyzing the amount of articles by period and region, and the connection structure between major keywords by the regime was explored through network analysis by regime using co-appearance keywords. As a result of the analysis, it was found that 2019 had the largest amount of coverage, which had many social issues in time, and the Jeolla-do region had the largest amount of coverage in the region. And as a result of network analysis, there were differences in words related to May 18 in news data according to the perception and policy of the regime toward May 18. As a result of synthesizing the analysis of May 18 news data, it was confirmed that May 18 was becoming a democratic movement over time regardless of region, but at the same time, the distortion of May 18 was not resolved.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.165-184
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• 2005

Japan has remained a welfare laggard among advanced industrial democracies. Therefore, the introduction of the public long-term care insurance(koteki kaigo hoken in Japanese) in April of 2000 looks very unique in terms of the Japanese social security tradition, because it can be interpreted as the expansion of social security system and the weakening of the market power over the livelihood of the ordinary people. In the era of globalization, in which even the highly developed welfare states are forced to shrink their social security systems, Japan, a welfare laggard, looks like being headed to the opposite direction. This article aims to define the character of the public long-term care insurance, and thereby, to evaluate the recent social policy of the Japanese government. This study follows the social democratic model in the study of the welfare state development, which assumes that, under the condition of a weak social democratic party and a fragmented labor movement, the introduction of the long-term care insurance is not equal to the improvement of the Japanese social security system. The main argument of this article is that the long-term care insurance, notwithstanding its appearance as an expansion of public sphere, is part of market-oriented neo-liberal social reforms, which have remained the main feature of the Japanese social policies since the mid-1970's. For this, this study will do a longitudinal analysis on the social consequences of the long-term care insurance incurred to the Japanese social security system for the long-term care, focusing on the income redistribution, the marketization of long-term care sector and the changes in the financial burden of the government, social insurers and general citizens.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.9-32
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• 2015

The media, traditionally, serves to reinforce one's limited memory and transform those personal memories of society's members into collective memories. Notably, the mass media collects countless pieces of personalized memories for the creation of collective memories. Through the process of recollecting as well as recreating the past in the present, mass media exerts influence on the means the public appreciates and understands the history. Although numerous new medias like Internet overflows in today's society, television continues to stand firm as the salient means to construct the memories in daily lives. In this context, the research aims to analyze the televised news as the principal agent of memory producer to determine through which memories it recreates the $5{\cdot}18$ in today's media. The analysis of news values clarifies that every government placed distinctive news values on $5{\cdot}18$ within its historical context. Even so, such values were often fixed based on its relations to the existing political issues. Furthermore, through the discourse analysis, this research concludes that today's coverage of $5{\cdot}18$ is softening and becoming conventional.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.242-251
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• 2015

This paper is to analyse statutes and execution system on 'plain language policy' of the U.S. in the process of policy was instituted, and to suggest the meaningful implications for Korean easy public language improvement project based on the conclusions drawn. The summarized conclusion is as follows. First, the continuous interests of Presidents and taking the lead of federal agencies played important roles until the U.S. plain language policy has been established as a system. Second, in executing the U.S. plain language policy, laws legislated by period contributed to elicit mandatory compliances from the federal agencies. Third, a propelling agent of plain language policy, PLAIN, is not an administrative department but a community consisted of federal employees and experts. Fourth, plain language policy was unexpectedly given wholehearted support and assistance by Presidents and their administrations from the reform-minded Democratic party. Fifth, during the 2000s most federal departments and agencies held self-managed websites and programs related to plain language. To conclude the current U.S. plain language policy surely performs a mechanism to improve communication and a role as a ladder of trust between the public and government.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

Now labour policy of Moon Jae-in Administration is very different from the labour reform politics of the past ages in its structural conditions. Especially the difference is in the fact that the new labour policy is originated from the Candlelight Revolution in 2016 which has resisted to the 20years-long neoliberal domination. This kind of change in the political situation made a optimistic prediction with regard to the possibility of successful labour reform. However the future is in many points so uncertain that we could not confirm the success of labour reform at all. The uncertainty always resides in the structural unbalance between labour movement power and capitalist state power bloc in Korea. In this sense strategical orientation and practices of the democratic labour movement(KCTU) are very critical to produce some positive outcomes.

• Korean Medical Education Review
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.95-101
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• 2012

As North Korea passed from the Devotion (Jeongseong) movement to the black market (Jangmadang) system, the medical service system in that country was effectively destroyed. North Korean physicians who have successfully defected to South Korea (North Korean defector physicians, NKDPs) have experienced socio-economic hardships on their way to becoming incorporated into the South Korean medical system due to different medico- social cultures, different (English-based) medical terminology, and the clinical knowledge gap between North and South Korea. Since 2009, we have operated programs at the Seoul Medical Center to help NKDPs prepare for the South Korean medical licensing examination. These programs consist of clinical education at the medical center, personal mentoring, arrangement of educational programs at the medical college, mock tests at the consortium, and administrative aid. Looking forward, we hope to achieve the following: 1) More systematic support plans are needed involving medical education experts, field physicians, and experts on reunification. 2) An evaluation of defector physicians' current medical knowledge may provide information about the areas where supplementary education is most needed and the standards for certificating licenses. 3) In the short term, a customized glossary should be developed to assist defector physicians prepare for the examination. 4) To secure internships and residencies is the most important issue for further sustained training of NKDP physicians to become good clinicians after certification. Hopefully, this short report on the current ongoing educational course will lead to more extensive discussion.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.65 no.7
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• pp.19-31
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• 2015

Futurists put forward creative fashion by combining art and functionality. This led to a new aesthetic approach in how we view modernized industrial cities. Ernesto Thayaht, a futurist, introduced the "Tuta", which was simple and practical clothes. Tuta expressed the imagination and aesthetic values of Futurism. The characteristics of the Tuta were categorized into the following: Form, Colors, Materials, and Details. The results of examining its characteristics as follows: Tuta had a linear and simple planar pattern, which could be made with one cloth. The same modernized urban colors were used for the top and the bottom. Practical Materials, such as cotton and linen were used because they were easy to wash. Tuta excluded unnecessary ornaments, and only included functional details that would allow for comfortable movement. These design characteristics of Tuta revealed functionality, popularity, modernity, and innovativeness of formativeness. Tuta presented a new model of fashion in the early 20th century and completed the modernization of clothes. Tuta reflected the democratic and equal spirit of the era by innovating and overcoming the structure and form of conventional clothing.

• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.89-104
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• 1994

Recently, environmental issues have remained high on the agendas of public discussion and economic research. In the case of Korea, democratic movement in the late 80's centered people's concerns on the environmental dispute according to landfill, correctional institution, crematory, and nuclear powerplant, etc., Moreover, the failure to provide these kinds of facilities in time have caused serious social problems associated with environmental protection and economic development. The purposes of this paper are threefolds. First, they organize foreign and domestic NIMBYS case studies which have been settled in a desirable way. The second concern is to analyze the consciousness of NIMBYS resident by making up a questionnaire. Third, they estimate the market values of urban unwanted facilities by employing CVM(Contingent Valuation Method) procedure. The results of the study have a double implication : that NIMBYS resident are reluctant to accept government mechanical compensation based on simple published land values, and that unique concensus to preserve the viability and healthfulness of our environment among three main bodies: residents, people, government is necessary in solving NIMBYS subjects in Korea. In addition, this first implication develops to emphasize the intrduction of releveant measures taken to reconcile NIMBYS disagreement, which are complete openness of government policies, full support of local economic development, and perfect management of pollution protection systems for NIMBYS facilities.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.85-117
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• 2018

This paper discusses the development of labor law in Indonesia after the 1998 reformasi. The end of the authoritarian regime and the subsequent introduction of democratic institutions in the country have opened up new spaces to restructure labor relations. The government promulgated a set of new labor laws that has brought tremendous changes to the employment system and the system of labor disputes settlement. In the face of the challenges these changes have created, labor unions are using alternative means to defend their members' interests. This paper shows how labor law reform has set a new social contract between the government, employer associations, and the labor movement.