• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.257-283
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• 2017

The purpose of this paper is primarily to examine models of collective decision-formation and decision-making. The goal is to propose a model of decision-formation and decision-making that is appropriate for a democratic society. Habermas distinguishes these models of decision-formation and decision-making by liberal, republican, and deliberative political models according to their justification types. Axel Honneth, on the other hand, is divided into three models of liberalism, proceduralism, and republicanism. I want to divide the model of possible decision-making in democratic society into three, that is, the model based on force, the model based on procedure, and the republican model. This distinction will identify the characteristics of each decision-making model and this confirmation will help us find the best decision-making model for a democratic society. In the end, I will combine the republican model with the procedural model. For this synthesis, I will also propose three conditions in modern society. I will argue that the three conditions of collective intelligence, active freedom, and horizontal networks are necessary.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.5-35
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• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.336-346
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• 2017

Background: Due to the asymmetry of information and knowledge and the power of bureaucrats and medical professionals, it is not easy for citizens to participate in health care policy making. This study analyzes the case of the insured organization participating in the Health Insurance Policy Committee (HIPC) and provides a basis for discussing methods and conditions for better public participation. Methods: Qualitative analysis was conducted using the in-depth interviews with the participants and document data such as materials for HIPC meetings. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with purposively sampled six participants from organizations representing the insured in HIPC. The meanings related to the factors affecting participation were found and categorized into major categories. Results: The main factors affecting participating in the decision making process were trust and cooperation among the participants, structure and procedure of governance, representation and expertise of participants, and contents of issues. Due to limited cooperation, participants lacked influence in important decisions. There was an imbalance in power due to unreasonable procedures and criteria for governance. As the materials for meetings were provided inappropriate manner, it was difficult for participants to understand the contents and comments on the meeting. Due to weak accountability structure, opinions from external stakeholders have not been well received. The participation was made depending on the expertise of individual members. The degree of influence was different depending on the contents of the issues. Conclusion: In order to meet the values of democracy and realize the participation that the insured can demonstrate influence, it is necessary to have a fair and reasonable procedure and a sufficient learning environment. More deliberative structure which reflects citizen's public perspective is required, rather than current negotiating structure of HIPC.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.73-90
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• 2013

Rational debate and public conversation in the public sphere of social network are crucial conditions for realizing deliberative democracy. However, negative communication can occur online more frequently than in the real space, and mutually hostile messages are appearing. In the electoral process, citizens combining for particular candidates have made personal attacks against, abused and slandered the opposing candidates. Then, how and to what degree has the flaming behavior been appearing in the elections? Are there influencers to propagate the flaming behavior? And how flaming are these influencers, compared to internet users? This research focuses on the flaming behavior which occurred during the reelection for Seoul Mayor, in order to diagnose the role of social network as an online public sphere. This study analyzes the spreading degree of flaming messages depending on each issue, and the differences of messages between influencers and normal users. There was frequent flaming behaviors to distribute biased information which criticized, laughed at and maliciously attacked individual candidates. Moreover, influencers who advanced leading opinions, displayed a higher flaming degree than normal users.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.145-176
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• 2009

This paper introduces two concepts, specialization and representation, to evaluate activities of standing committees in Korean Assembly. Previous studies have criticized the committees based on frequent change of committee membership. After analyzing the empirical data of Finance and Economy Committee, it turns out that different from the previous arguments, the committee reaches the high level of activities in the perspective of specialization and representation. Changing of committee membership, after considering direction of the change and period of leaving the committee, is less happened than they are supposed. If voting by proxy or absentee voting were allowed, the frequency of the changing membership would be decreased. Study on Finance and Economy committee reveals that the extent of participation of the committee members is similar to the that of the floor meeting and that the number of participants and hours for each meeting display the characteristics of deliberative democracy of committee. Unanimous decisions outnumber majority ones. Therefore, this paper insists that standing committees in Korean Assembly works much better than what they have been criticized

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.42
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• pp.44-78
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• 2008

The present study explored the agenda setting effects of replies called "Daet-Gul", and perception of the news replies. This study has established three research questions: 1) the recognition of the online communication 2) the degree of the reading and writing on online spare 3) the amount of the effects on the online communication. This study is performed using survey method. The survey results indicated in that the participants are very passive readers and writers on the online spare. In addition, the survey repliers evaluated that replies' mechanical device and antigravitational speed have high score, whereas they marked low store in the content and credibility of 'the replies. Therefore, they did not estimate the effects of the replies highly. All the results indicate that 'the replies' is not the fundamental factors of the deliberative democracy. It's because online communication with 'the replies' are thought to be fated the abuse and slander. Therefore, it's essential to improve the online communication with 'the replies', through the introduction of the 'trackback', which is a sort of the 'remote replies'

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.5
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• pp.11-22
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• 2004

A few years ago, many people proposed that a plaza be added to Seoul City Hall. The proposal, however, did not materialize because of traffic confusion. The June 2002 World Cup cheering in front of Seoul City Hall has prodded the public to reconsider the plaza. Even though the exercise failed to gain support, many democratic procedures, opening a Web page and design competitions, and so on were attempted while the design and management of Seoul City Hall Plaza was being deliberated. In the future, the need for proper communication and democratic procedures in the process of making decisions regarding public spaces is expected to increase because of the strengthening of the requirement of participatory and deliberative democracy. An examination of the nature and extent of the communication that has been carried out in relation to the plan to add a plaza to Seoul City Hall will be very helpful in gathering feedback to guide decision-making in regards to the use of other public spaces. Thus, this study has a three-fold purpose. : (1) to examine the theories that may justify the need for public input in relation to decisions made regarding the use of public spaces, and to propose the criteria to be used for the methods of communication (2) to examine the contents and conflicts of communication in relation to the decision made regarding the design and management of Seoul City Hall Plaza and (3) to examine the potential distortion of that communication by analyzing the communication according to the criteria previously proposed. The study method that is used herein is the analysis of articles about the subject matter, which have been posted on the Seoul City Hall Plaza Website and which have been published in newspapers such as the Chosun ilbo, Donga ilbo, the Jungang ilbo, and the Hankyoreh. Diverse article contents are also discussed. As result, there are many differences in the contents and viewpoints of the newspapers that are included in this study. In addition, the related Internet bulletin board has not been used actively, but has contributed to forming public opinion on this issue. Finally, the public demanded to be given acceptable reasons for the results of the design competition, and for the decision to make the grass plaza, which ignores the chosen design in the newspapers or on the Web page. However, their demand was rejected. The communication therefore became distorted and consequently did not become successful in bringing about its intended result.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.75
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• pp.43-79
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• 2016

An increase in the number of immigrants to Korea since the late 1980s' has signified the proliferation of globalization and global capitalism. In Korea, most married immigrants are women, as the culture emphasizes patrilineage and the stability of the institution of marriage, particularly in rural areas. Immigrant women have experienced dual ordeals. The Aogra Internet community in Korea has been one of the most representative sites that has shown the power of communities in cyberspace since 2002, leading the discussion of social issues and deliberative democracy both online and offline. This paper analyzed Koreans' writings (such as long comments) on immigrant women in the Agora community. The analysis revealed the following results: first, immigrant women were referred to using terms related to prostitution, with excessive expression of disgust, which is called a "narrative of identity." Second, anti-multiculturalists called Korean men victims of married immigrant women and expressed hatred toward immigrant women, which is called a "narrative of sacrifice." Third, anti-multiculturalists justified their emotions as just resentment based on ideas of justice, equality, and patriotism, concealing the emotion of disgust, which is called the "narrative of justice, equality." Fourth, antimulticulturalists played roles to spread the emotion of disgust, by repeatedly referring to international marriage fraud and immigrant workers' crimes, which is called "narrative of crime." Fifth, some positive writings on immigrant women were based on empathy(a concept defined in this context by Martha Nussbaum), but they can be analyzed as narratives encouraging cultural integration through the perspective of orientalism. Therefore, comments on immigrant women in the Agora represent a "catch-22" dilemma. To deal with conflicts arising from disgust and violations of human rights, civic education focusing on humanism is needed in this multicultural era.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.211-222
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• 2007

This paper aims to evaluate the new regional development policy which is entirely focused on the lagging rural regions in Korea. The new regional development, called the shin-hwal-ryuk policy is to reflect the radical change in the idea and philosophy of rural development. Although traditional rural development policies were top-down-based and physical infrastructure-centered, the new rural development policy idea is based on bottom-up and soft infrastructure which is related to the promotion of regional innovation capacities. However, it is revealed that the new rural policy involves a variety of problems in the process of establishing and making progress the policy plan in a local level. In the operating process of the policy plan, the central government has shown too quick-tempered for achieving visible outcomes, while many of local government suffer from the lacks of professional capabilities to carry out the plan. I see that as a result of the mixture of these problems the new policy is regarded as 'passively localized process' by the central government rather than 'actively localizing process' by the region for building regional innovation capacity.