• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.23
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• pp.153-192
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• 2014

This article's purpose is to overcome the inadequacy of deliberative democracy for communication on the basis of Haewonsangsaeng. The inadequacy of deliberative democracy for communication is presented as the following two. First, as deliberative democracy treats civic virtue as instrumental thing, deliberative democracy is still in moral solipsism. Second, as deliberative democracy doesn't consider 'the inequality of power' among diverse political positions, the project of deliberative democracy for communication ends up in the exposure of the inequality of power among diverse political positions. Sangsaeng in Haewonsangsaeng concerned with inter-relationship over individualism treats civic virtue as original motility. In this context, Sangsaeng in Haewonsangsaeng is the alternative notion to overcome the first inadequacy of deliberative democracy for communication. Haewon in Haewonsangsaengas is the condition for Sangsaeng. and Haewon's method is to exclude or to eliminate the structural frame of Sanggeuk meaning mutual conflict and antagonism. This article presents two structural frame of Sanggeuk. First, First structural obstacle as internal obstacle is suggested through analyzing pluralism on the basis of existential philosophy. The result of the analysis is the 'antagonism' between the hegemonical value and the peripheral value. Second structural obstacle as external obstacle is the extinction of public sphere caused by the growth of market and the expansion of bureaucracy.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.123-153
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• 2001

This article addresses the 2nd Korean consensus conference on cloning that was held by the Korean National commission for UNESCO in 1999. Though previous perspectives recognized the conference as a new citizen's participatory institution. they do not consider that it contains the ideal of deliberative democracy. This article notes that the citizens participated directly and handled the important social agenda through debate in the consensus conference. The consensus conference is another democratic form derived from preference aggregating democracy in the sense that it basically depends on public judgement of the citizens. This consensus conference has the historical meaning because it is in fact the first experiment of deliberative democracy in Korea. 1) We examine the theoretical foundations of consensus conference. They are social constructionism of science, the tradition of societal debate, and deliberative democracy. 2) We explore what deliberative democracy is. It is different from aggregating preference democracy in the sense that it depends on public judgement rather than private preferences. 3) We investigate the features and meaning of deliberative democracy which has experiment on the conference. In the Consensus Conference it was observed that citizens changed their preferences and went forward to developing their view of community as a result of the process of deliberation. It can be said to confirm the significance of deliberative democracy. However, it is simultaneously an opportunity to clarify some problems of deliberative democracy. First of all, it shows that there were hierarchies within the citizens' panel as well as between the citizens' and the specialists' panels. Secondly, there are difficulties in expressing the value of life in argument or discourse. Also, we need the institutional efforts concerning future generations and nonhuman beings in the respect that cloning relates to them.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.295-327
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• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.6 no.1 s.11
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• pp.1-30
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• 2006

This paper is to analyse the case of citizen participation employed in the local government, Buk-gu (Northern District) in the city of Ulsan, Korea. A kind of deliberative type of citizen participation named' citizen jury' was exercised to resolve an environmental conflict between Buk-gu government and its residents. The conflict was caused by the construction of a food waste recycling facility near by some residential areas in Buk-gu. Theoretically this paper makes a typology of citizen participation methods. Two criteria are employed. First of all, lay citizens are the primary participant or not? Secondly, interactive communication is feasible or not among participants in the process of citizen participation. Four generic types of citizen participation are sorted out: technocratic, pluralist, direct/participatory, and deliberative type. Especially deliberative type of citizen participation is based on an idea of deliberative democracy. This paper argues that the case of citizen participation employed in Buk-gu belongs to deliberative type of citizen participation. The argument is based on the following reasons. Firstly, primary participants in deliberation process can be considered as lay citizens though they are selected form local NGOs and religious groups. According to a survey, most of participants said that they would participate in the process of deliberation in the capacity of lay citizens though they were selected by their own groups. Secondly, the citizen participation process was deliberately designed and implemented to facilitate competence of primary participants and fairness in the deliberation. Viewed from this analysis, this Buk-gu case can be safely considered an innovative method of citizen participation which is also very successful in resolving intractable environmental conflict in the local government.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.1-31
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• 2015

World Wide Views on Climate and Energy held on 6 June 2015 was a structured citizens' deliberative consultation forum involving 10,000 citizens in 77 countries, and South Korea was one of the participating countries. Citizen participants, selected to reflect the demographic diversity in their countries or regions, were given information beforehand and deliberated for a full day with other citizens and voted on an identical set of questions, designed to reflect policy controversies at the UN COP negotiations to be held in Paris on December 2015. This study, firstly, analyzes the backgrounds and purposes of World Wide Views on Climate and Energy and reports the WWViews event held in Seoul, Korea before examining the theoretical implication of it. And then, this study discusses about the features and opportunities of World Wide Views on Climate and Energy as a way of forming a global deliberative governance by focusing on deliberative democracy, citizen participatory governance, and global citizenship.

• The Journal of Information Systems
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.303-327
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• 2021

Purpose The online comments on news content have become social information and are understood based on deliberative democracy. Although the related research has focused on the relationship between online comments and their deliberative quality, the social information provided by online comments consists of not only direct information such as comments themselves but also indirect information such as 'likes' and 'dislikes'. Therefore, the research on online comments and deliberative quality should study this direct and indirect information together, and the direction and the degree of the indirect information should be also considered with them. Design/methodology/approach This study distinguishes comments by the attached 'likes' and 'dislikes', identifies highly supported and highly unsupported comments by the intensity of 'likes' and 'dislikes', and investigates the relationship between their existence and the deliberative quality measured as the topic diversity. Then, we applied topic modeling to the 2,390 news articles and their 74,385 comments collected from five news sites. Findings The topic diversities of the supported and unsupported comments are related to the topic diversity of all comments but the degree of the relationship is higher in the case of supported comments. Furthermore, the existence of highly supported and unsupported comments is led to less diversity of all comments compared to the case where those comments are absent. Particularly, when only highly supported comments are present, topic diversity was lower than in the opposite case.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.92-114
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to analyze people's motivations to use the National Petition service of CheongWaDae, the Presidential Office of Korea. The online space has been used as a testbed of deliberative democracy. In fact, a wide variety of public opinions are being formed and gaining sympathy through the E-Petitions and Daum's Agora. In this regard, President Moon's government launched a petition site to gather public opinions. For any petition agreed on by more than 20,000 people within 30 days, the relevant ministry or the President's office must provide answers or feedback. This study wants to figure out how this National Petition is different from previous platforms like Agora or E-Petitions and why it is so well-received by people. This study uses a mix of both qualitative and quantitative methods. First, we conducted a focus group interview to factorize experiences of using the National Petition into measurable constructs. Second, we did a survey o 156 Koreans who had experienced the National Petition. Results show that symbolism, usefulness, gratification, and trust have positive impact on continuous usage intention. This study argues that symbolism, usefulness, gratification, and trust factors should be in place rather than technical aspects in order to increase the actual participation of users on the online platform of deliberative democracy. In addition, this study is meaningful in that it examined how different the CheongWaDae's National Petition is from the existing platforms for collecting public opinions and analyzed factors that encourage continuous use.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.30
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• pp.89-119
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• 2005

The purpose of this essay is to converge the theory of communicative action Into the new paradigm of 'public relations democracy.' The notions of communicative action rationality, the public sphere, and deliberative democracy led new public relations paradigm approaches including meaning sharing, media access enlargement, and theoretical ramifications for the powerless. As Habermas prospected the power of comprehensive rationality to solve post-capitalist problems, the paradigm of public relations democracy visions the new era of public relations equipped with rhetorical and critical approaches. The new paradigm tries to overcome functional fallacy and embraces the concept of public interest. The paradigm of public relations democracy aims at integrating all three levels of public relations activities such as individual, organizational, and social levels, and pursues to enlarge the public sphere through increasing communicative actions and resolving social conflicts. Habermas's critical theory exhibits an opportunity for public relations theory building.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.