• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.77-108
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• 2019

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of 'Podeok' in Daesoon Jinrihoe. The term Podeok can cause some misunderstanding as the same word Deok (德 virtue) has long been used in the Eastern Tradition. In other words, for most people who are used to traditional thought, Podeok may be conflated with the similar word 'Deok (virtue)' as used within Confucianism. People who are familiar with Confucian culture might thereby misunderstand the term Podeok as an aspect of Confucian moral ethics, or they could misconstrue Daesoon Jinrihoe as having appropriated and misused Confucian ideas. Furthermore, there are other problems that could arise if people compare Daesoon Jinrihoe's 'Podeok' with 'Deok (virtue)' as used by Laozi. While Deok in Laozi's usage represents the ability of an individual who can exercise his or her rationality with excellence, Deok in Daesoon Jinrihoe indicates the idea of actualizing Mutual Beneficence and the conditions that enable Mutual Beneficence. If one understands Deok as used by Laozi to contain the meaning of Mutual Beneficence, then it is possible to think that the two tradition share a similar meaning of Deok as Podeok in Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues Mutual Beneficence as its ultimate value. In order to preemptively correct these misunderstandings, I need to clarify how the idea of Deok was born out of traditional thought and what meanings it embodies. Additionally, it is necessary to examine how it became meaningful in Confucianism, and how it was criticized and ascribed new meanings in Laozi's thought. Through these clarification, it will become clear that Deok originally indicated a religious ritual that the king of the Zhou Dynasty performed after receiving the heavenly mandate and assuming rule over the nation. Later, this idea was transformed into a moral virtue and norm by Confucius. This moral virtue and norm was criticized by Laozi as an unnatural form of control as it was understood by Laozi as a teleological argument justifying whether or not lives were to be saved or sustained based on the perceived merits of each individual. On the contrary, Deok in Daesoon Jinrihoe and traditional thought stand on a totally different theological bases. Deok in Daesoon Jinrihoe is a means to practice and realize the truth of the earthly paradise of the Later World and the truth of Mutual Beneficence which were posited to the world through Kang Jeungsan's Works of Haewon (grievance resolution) that resolved the pattern of mutual conflict that characterized the Former World. Therefore, the idea of Podeok in Daesoon Jinrihoe gains completion only on the premises of Haewon Sangsaeng (resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence) and Boeun Sangsaeng (reciprocation of favors for mutual beneficence), and the way to practice Podeok is to practice Haewon Sangsaeng and Boeun Sangsaeng. In addition, the subordinate virtues such as loyalty, filial piety, and faithfulness that exist within Daesoon Jinrihoe's religious practice are not same as those of traditional thought. They are new concepts of virtues drawn from the cosmological laws of Daesoon Jinrihoe. To be specific, the virtues of Daesoon Jinrihoe are not rules that create discrimination and mutual conflict, but are instead ethical rules established upon the basis of Heaven and Earth having been newly organized, and thus, they will bring virtuous concordance, harmonious union, and mutual beneficence. The idea of 'Podeok' in Daesoon Jinrihoe can be understood as a religious practice that requires doctrinal understanding and tangible practice in daily life of followers. In other words, it is not the same Deok of earlier traditional thought in East Asia, but is instead a religious truth by which practitioners realize the truth of Sangje's Works of Haewon in human world as they practice Haewon Sangsaeng and Boeun Sangsaeng.

• Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.33-42
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• 2009

This study is aimed at the necessity application in 'Prototype' general concept on discovering cultural identity landscape of our national characteristics landscape research. Accordingly, It is considered landscape, fundamental concept, the prototypal landscape concept from previously researches that have been used. At the same time, the concept of prototypal landscape has been established by commenting a point of view which is defining previous researches that controverted prototypal landscape, then establish concept of prototypal landscape and derive attribute by comparing and considering similar terminology of prototypal landscape. Previously, research prototypal landscape in depth by applying defined concept of prototypal landscape and considering inherence ideological and environmental background prototypal figure and structure. Formation pattern of the prototypal landscape is classified in both philosophical formative primary factor from philosophy, religion and environmental formative factor of human that accumulated cultural life from a region and life. Examples of forming the prototypal landscape by philosophical formative factor are classified as 'Feng-Shui(the theory of divination based on topography)', 'Yin-Yang theory', 'Confucian idea theory' 'Philosophical Taoism', 'Buddhism theory' and 'Nature theory' then environmental formative factor are interpreted by 'Taekliji(determining of advantageous land)', 'Imwon(forest) economical geography', 'land use', 'topography' and 'terrain' as examples. This study is anticipating a new point of view and an establishment of reliable preservation to our characteristic of the prototypal landscape by considering concept of prototypal landscape and formative factor as studying limits of prototypal landscape and researching concentrated origination of the prototype.

• Child Health Nursing Research
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.469-481
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• 2002

The purpose of this study was to explore the parents and child relationship in traditional Korean society through the Korean classic novels. The Data were analyzed through latent content analysis in focusing on the parents and child relationship. Forty-six Korean classic novels written in Chosun Dynasty (from 1392 to 1910 AD) were chosen to analyze and they were represented the characteristic Confucian ideas. The sentences containing the expression of child-care and parent-child relationship were selected during intensive reading line by line and analyzed. Sixty-nine meaningful concepts were drawn out from 258 significant sentences by the similar meaning and common theme and classified as 3 categories and 11 sub-categories. The important parent-child relationship expressed in Korean traditional society were as follows: From the category of the Meaning of Child, 4 sub-categories were drawn; gift of heaven, successor of the family line, driving power of life, and rewards from the offspring. From the category of attitude to the child, 3 sub-categories were drawn; a notion of preferring a son to a daughter, close maternal-child relation, and expectation to the future of child. From the category of nurturing behavior, 4 subjects were drawn; Tae-Gyo(fetal education), affective behavior, socialization, and health management behavior. Above result helps to improve the basic understanding the relationship of parent and child in modern society. And by the understanding of child in the family, unhealthy relationship of parent and child can be prevented and furthermore family centered child health promotion can be achieved.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.73-99
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• 2023

The dragon is a special imaginary figure created by the people of East Asia. Its archetypes appeared primarily as totemic symbols of different tribes and groups in the region. The formation of early dynasties probably generated the molding of the dragon symbol. Dragon symbols carried deep imprints of nature. They concealed alternative messages of how ancient people at different locations dealt with or interacted with nature. Under pressure to standardize in the medieval and late imperial periods, the popular dragon had to transform physically and ideologically. It became imposed, unified, and framed, conveying ideas of caste classification and power, and losing itsecological implications. The dragon transitioned from a semi-ecological domain into a total social caste system. However, many people considered the "standardized" dragon as the symbol of the oppressor. Because of continuous orthopraxy and calls for imperial reverence, especially under orthopractic agenda and the surveillance of local elites, the popularized dragon was imbued within local artworks or hidden under the sanctity of Buddhas or popular gods in order to survive. Through disguise, the popular dragon partially maintained its ecological narratives. When the imperial dynasties ended in East Asia (1910 in Korea, 1911 in China, 1945 in Vietnam), the dragon was dramatically decentralized. However, trends of re-standardization and re-centralization have emerged recently in China, as the country rises in the global arena. In this newly-emerging "re-orthopraxy", the dragon has been superimposed with a more externally political discourse ("soft power" in international relations) rather than the old-style standardization for internal centralization in the late imperial period. In the contemporary world, science and technology have advanced humanity's ability to improve the world; however, it seems that people have abused science and technology to control nature, consequently damaging the environment (pollution, global warming, etc.). The dragon symbol needs to be re-defined, "re-molded", re-evaluated and reinterpreted accordingly, especially under the newly-emerging lens-the New Confucian "anthropocosmic" view.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.139-172
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• 2023

This study aims to look into the concept of Human Mind and Moral Mind and the issue of their axiological interpretation in Daesoon Thought. In the Song dynasty, the concept of the Human Mind and Moral Mind was understood as indicating two aspects of the universal Human Mind. Discourse on this theory was undertaken by scholars such as Cheng Yichuan (程伊川), Su Shi (蘇軾), and Zhu Xi (朱熹). The differences between the Human Mind and Moral Mind were interpreted as issues of cultivation. The discussion of the Human Mind and Moral Mind were established through a systematic theory by Zhu Xi, and this developed into various forms of discourse and ideological stances thereafter. One of the most important issues of the Human Mind and Moral Mind theory was its axiological interpretation, which was divided largely into three patterns. One was to interpret the Human Mind and Moral Mind as evil and good respectively (proponents included Cheng Yichuan and Zhu Xi in his early theories), the other one saw them as value-neutral and good (proponents included Zhu Xi, Toegye 退溪, and Yulgok 栗谷), and the last one interpretation held them as pre-evil and pre-good (Dasan 茶山). As the Human Mind and Moral Mind can be seen as a universal human issue, the examination of those patterns in the Confucian tradition would be meaningful for understanding the Human Mind and Moral Mind as a theoretical base in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, the Human Mind and Moral Mind are defined as private and public respectively, but no further explanation is provided regarding these items. If we infer by considering the two in the light of the overall ideology and values that Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues, the Human Mind can be said to represent basic biological desires such as clothing, food, and sexual satisfaction all of which are human vital activities needed for the preservation of the human race. The Moral Mind can be seen as a mind that is set upon practicing morality and realizing the ideological aims of 'supporting the nation and comforting the people,' 'vast saving all creatures,' and achieving 'harmony and peace for humankind.' However, the conscience and the selfish mind, which are related axiologically to the Human Mind and the Moral Mind, are defined respectively as good and evil and explained in a relatively systematic way which includes conceptual claims and details on the origin of these aspects of mind. The reason why the discussions of the conscience and selfish mind are more systematically described than the Human Mind and Moral Mind seems to be that issues relating to the conscience and selfish mind are more directly applicable to matters of religious doctrine.

• Research in Community and Public Health Nursing
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.525-536
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• 1999

The result of this study may be abstracted as follows. 1) The study was done on 48.3% seniors(138), 34.3% sophomores. and 17.5% juniors mostly ranging in age from 21 to 22, the largest number of students at 38.1%(109) were Christian. followed by 31.5%(90) were Confucian. 20.6%(59) who were Catholic. and 9.1%(26)who were Buddhist. 2) Concerning the economic views. 46.8%(134) preferred Capitalism 40.9%(117) preferred a combination of Capitalism and Socialism, 8.7%(25) were for more or less Socialistic in view point, and 3.5%(10) for Socialism. 3) Among the internal factors causing poverty, 'lack of ability(knowledge)', scored the highest at 3.528, and 'beauty or appearance' scored the lowest at 1.570. Social factors scored high in 'bad economic/tax policies' at 3.374 and 'low average in wages' at 3.364. Among family matters, 'not much money at home' scored the highest at 3.273, and 'low expectation of success in poor families' scored the lowest at 2.315. On concerns of fate and destiny. 'bad luck' turned out to be the most likely cause of poverty with the score of 2.619. and 'destined poverty' was the least likely cause with the score of 1.969. 4) The high scoring economical consequences of poverty was 'not able to do as one desires' at 3.965, and 'no money to buy things wanted' at 3.804. 'Gets tired of life' (4.028) scored high in psychological consequences showing that poverty affects these matters greatly. 'Looked down on by others' (3.538) scored high in social circumstances, and 'feels like a burden to society' scored low at 2.080. Among family matters. 'hard life' scored high at 4.210, and 'low morality' scored low at 1.972. 5) Significant differences(p= .00) were found between economic views and what significance certain internal factors caused poverty these differences were also related to a reliance on religion, economic views, and economic status. Significant differences were also found between economic status and internal factors causing poverty(p= .04), economic point of view and social factors(p= .01). and economical point of view and luck related matters, (p = .01) When the consequences of poverty were considered. psychological factors such as 'hate towards oneself', 'tired of life', and 'afraid of the future' showed significant differences in relation to economic status. (p = .02) Family matters also showed significant differences in relation to economic status(p= .03), With personal characteristics and wealth causing factors, significant differences were found between a person's economic point of view and ecinomic status when considering and internal or social factors.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.345-377
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• 2017

Jang Hyeongwang is one of the leading scholars since the era of Toe'gye and Yulgok in Korean Confucianism. Thus, this paper will summarize his schooling, i.e., education in local school(Hyanggyo), specific activities, and the meaning of moral education. Although Toe'gye and Yulgok recognized the problems of local school and their indictment revealed in 16th century, they sought different solutions to overcome the issues. Toe'gye paid attention to establishment of local academy(Seowon) and strengthening its stature in order to renew Confucian education while Yulgok kept an eye on reformation of local school as government educational institution for revitalizing schooling, fostering the talented and establishing moral discipline. In this context, I will summarize Yeoheon's perspective on schooling in terms of the difference with Toe'gye and Yulgok's ideas. Especially, I will analyze his problematique paying attention to restoration of moral order in local communities devastated since Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and how it makes connection with local education and its implication. Furthermore, I will systematically examine the educational regulation of Indong local school(Indong Hyanggyo) he proposed and what its contents and real body he intended. In addition to these, I will suggest how much Yeohon's ideas on local education are meaningful in moral education and what kind of insightful things they would give us in current educational environments.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.44
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• pp.263-297
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• 2023

This study aims to understand human nature in Daesoon Thought. In addition, it seeks to determine the characteristics of human nature and how the theory of human nature in Daesoon Thought relates to the direction of the Basic Works and the Three Major Societal Works of Daesoon Jinrihoe. In order to understand the theory of human nature in Daesoon Thought, I have classified various theories of human nature that appear in the Confucian tradition and have analyzed and reviewed them. I used this framework of types as a methodological criterion to study the theory of human nature found in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, human nature is defined clearly as the conscience that is honest and truthful. Also, it accepts humans' basic biological needs, the pursuit of clothing, food, and sexual desires as part of human nature. This view can be evaluated as quite similar, although not perfectly consistent, with the theory of human nature posited by Wang Fuzhi (王夫之), who defined human nature as a combination of morality and biological desires. The theory of human nature in Daesoon Thought emphasizes human morality, but at the same time, it fully accepts that biological needs are basic elements of human life. In addition, it shows a characteristic that strongly implies a religious tendency as it recognizes that human nature is internalized through divine commands issued by the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven (九天上帝 Gucheon Sangje), the transcendent and absolute ruler. The Basic Works of Daesoon Jinrihoe, which are Propagation, Edification, and Cultivation, aim to restore human nature to its innate state of honesty and truthfulness. Among the Three Major Societal Works, we can see that the works of Social Welfare and Charity Aid are implemented in accordance with the accepting acknowledgment of basic human needs (the pursuit of clothing, food, and sexual desires), and helping people meet their needs in appropriate ways and to appropriate degrees.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.49
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• pp.365-399
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• 2024

Tang Taizong was regarded as the emperor with the idea of cherishing the common people, paying close attention to his subjects' military service, and mobilizing of the people as recorded in Zhenguan Zhengyao (Essentials for Government), from the Zhenguan period during the reign of Tang Taizong. Contrary to the above, in reality, Li Shimin, the name of Tang Taizong, mobilized many subjects in the construction of Luoyang Palace in second capital city called Dongdu and Jiucheng Palace, a summer palace during Sui-Tang dynasty, and he requisitioned the subjects of Guannei Province and Longyou Province to install and protect provisional powers and a county in the Gaochang Kingdom. Given his antinomic behavior, the evaluation of Li Shimin as an ideal Confucian monarch should be reconsidered based on Zhenguan zhengyao and other historical records. Dividing the 19 years before Goguryeo-Tang War in 645 into two periods, from the throne to 637 and from 639-644, the subjects were burdened by the construction of Luoyang Palace and Jiucheng Palace in the former period. In the latter period, after the conquest of the Gaochang Kingdom, there was a requisition for the transport of troops and supplies to be stationed in Xizhou, a reorganized prefecture and counties in the Gaochang Kingdom territory; probably mainly limited to the provinces of Guannei and Lungyou, which were geographically close to the West Regin that is now known as Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The burden in the latter period was relatively less than in the former period. Even so, the number of households in 639, fourteenth year of Tang Taizong's reign, was only 34.1% and 26.8%, respectively, in 609, the sixth year of Sui Yangdi's reign. In this situation, Taizong's Goguryeo Invasion was not conducted in an economically situation during the early days of the Tang Dynasty.