• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.127-143
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• 2001

This thesis looks into the characteristics and compares the clothing styles between the Three Kingdom to the Unified Shilla era. The purpose of this study is to see what common themes exists between the foundation of Korean clothing and how it has evolved and through see to what extent the Chinese influence has been to Korean clothing culture. Also by explaining the originality and creativity of Korean clothing, we will be able to make clear the status of Korean culture. These findings include the following; 1. The Korean strait line Gik-ryong Kyo-im can also be found at the Gochang region in the west. 2. The Ban-ryong-ui, worn by the aristocrats of the Three kingdom and Unified Shilla era, began to appear from the nobles from the Nam-Buk cho(South-north era). This combined with a Bokdu(headwear) became a part of casual dress wear. 3. Go(pants) became a traditional part of clothing for Unified Shilla and the west. 4. Ban-bi and Bae-dang, all forms of Bansu-ui ( short sleeve), came from Chinas Kucha and Hotan and came to Korea. 5. Chinas Pae-baek and Pae-za (Shawl) which is the same as Unified Shillas Peo was also to be found to have come from the west. 6. The way a different color line was added to clothing both can be found in Korean and western clothing. Similarities to material used are; First, expensive wool was used and mostly originated from the west. From far away Rome came the O-saek-gae (Five-color wool). Secondly, Kong-gak me (peacock feather) and Bi-chi mo were all originated from the west. Third, Sil-sil is stated in the Sam-kuk Sa-ki (Three Kingdom records) as being prohibited to be worn by Jin-gol women (Highest nobility during Shilla era) as headwear or comb (pin) or as a comb(pin) for yuk-doo poom ( 6th class nobility) women. Suggesting that it existed and other sources tell us that it came from Tashkent region of Russia and was a jewelry of some sort. From what we have seen above, we can see the similarities between Korean and western clothing cultures and that these interactions not only occurred with China but with many other nations. We can see that our ancestors were creative and original that when importing foreign cultures that they transformed them into a Korean style. That these foreign cultures were transformed into our own style is good evidence to these facts.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.73-114
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• 2021

This study examines the distribution of power in Northeast Asia based on the balance of power theory, a representative theory of realism, assuming military capabilities as the core power of states. The results of previous studies on the balance of power and military forces are reviewed and used to analyze changes in the strength of the US, China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and North Korea through 2020 to predict the security environment in 2030. In the balance of power theory, if the balance of power between a nation or a group of powers collapses, the possibility of war is high, and to survive in the international community with high uncertainty and distrust, the theory predicts that states must increase their powers in a self-help world and strengthen cooperation and alliance. Countries in Northeast Asia are also continuing to strengthen their military capabilities, and countries neighboring China are paying keen attention and remaining vigilant due to the rapid changes in the international security environment after the rapid rise of China. To mark the future 100th anniversary of the Chinese armed forces in the 2030s, China aims to realize 'defense and military modernization' and build a 'world-class military force' by the nation's 100th anniversary in the 2050s. The US is busy checking China's rise by strengthening international cooperation and alliances. The security environment and power dynamics in Northeast Asia are slowly changing as the US and China continue to compete for global hegemony. The changes and implications of the distribution of power in Northeast Asia after 2030 are examined based on the balance of power theory.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.108-123
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• 2024

In particular, as the current educational institutions are becoming more competitive, universities need to make efforts to survive the fierce competition by improving their service qualities. In this situation, this study was conducted to confirm the effect of international students' evaluation of university service quality on university loyalty through university satisfaction and service engagements, And several implications can be suggested as follows. First, the dimensions of university service quality were identified as important factors that had a great influence on the university satisfaction of international students. Among the service quality dimensions, support services related to international students were found to be the most important variable in university satisfaction. The school's efforts to solve the inconvenience of international students and the grievances of students who feel difficulties that their own students do not feel are considered a very important factor in the satisfaction of international students. Second, it was found that international students' class engagement or friendship engagement can be increased through satisfaction with the school, and eventually, the increased engagements affect university loyalty. In particular, it has been verified that for international students, the loyalty of the school can be increased by establishing friendships with students from various countries and participating in various school programs. Finally, according to the purposes of studying abroad, the difference was confirmed between the groups studying for academic development and better employment and the group employed for overseas experience and immigration.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.231-258
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• 2018

This paper examines the differences of two different versions of "Cheonuisogameonhae" in terms of stylistics and investigates factors affecting the differences. The interpretations between the woodblock edition and the manuscript edition might be different depending on assumed range of readership, and the stylistic differences between two editions might be different depending on the possibility of extension of the reading population. Thus, this paper examines how stylistic effects are reflected in inter-relations between a translator as a speaker and readers as listeners according to speaker intentions. In Chapter 2, the stylistic differences reflected from two difference editions are examined in terms of the expression of a writer's respect, emotions, and formal consciousness to readers. The expressions of a writer's respect are more clearly emerged in the manuscript edition than in the woodblock edition. The honorific expression of a subject, '-gyeo?dsyeo', and the honorific expression of a writer, '-s?p-', are more frequently used in the manuscript edition than in the woodblock edition. In order to express positive emotions, exclamation endings are used in the manuscript edition, which shows the writer's strong emotional sympathy with readers' words and behaviors. On the other hand, in the woodblock edition, '-이' is used after names in order to treat rebellious subjects and people involved in conspiracy contemptuously by the use of informal forms. In addition, affirmative sentences in the manuscript edition and double negative sentences in the woodblock edition are used respectively, which intends to strongly emphasize a king's will and the appropriateness of the will. The writer's formal consciousness to readers are found in the way of writing names of people and places in Korean. Chinese characters are generally used two show formal consciousness; thus, names of people and places are expressed in Chinese characters in the woodblock edition. In Chapter 3, factors that made the stylistic differences between two editions are examined. The factors causing stylistic differences are examined in terms of the purpose of the interpretation, the class and range of the reading population, a writer's attitudes toward readers, and the face-to-fact situation of a writer and readers.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.42
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• pp.7-22
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• 2016

Since the Taoyuanming of Confucius an Arcadia (Taohuayuan), utopia imagined in China has continued to this day. Such utopian imagination has been shaped by a variety of literary texts. These works depict the human desires and frustrations that form the utopian imagination. Typically, an Arcadia (Taohuayuan) has been recognized as a symbol of East Asian utopia. An Arcadia (Taohuayuan) anarchism is the utopian character of this small country, based on sensitization of the Lao strong. An Arcadia (Taohuayuan) world ruling class does not exist. But Confucius thought a utopian world is possible to imagine on the premise of 'Virtuous Policy' (德治). By the late Qing Dynasty (淸末), Kangyouwei (康有爲) had written and presented a utopia realized through the system of the "East-West stand." The literary text on utopia information in continued to experiment with implementation of the 'imagined' in the literature as "reality" of everyday life, immediately following the 1911 revolution in the People's Republic of China. As an Avant garde writer, Gefei's "Renmiantaohua" was influenced by the reflexive nature of the report on the point of the experiment. Gefei's "Renmiantaohua" has been rated as an outstanding work depicting the implementation process and the frustration of the utopian imagination. He is an inspiration to vanguard artists who focus on the desire and the frustration of the utopian imagination through the "Renmiantaohua" myths and stories that are comparable to the Sijipuseu story, which in itself perpetuates utopia in literature. In this paper, we explored the trails to implementation of a utopian imagination that has persisted since the ancient Chinese in current literary text. An Arcadia (Taohuayuan) of Confucius and Taoyuanming accompanied Gefei in the 21st century in describing the process of desire and frustration to realize utopia through a variety of traditional shape figures among other favorites. The author interprets those frustrations and desires of the human life course as just utopian imagination.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.78-92
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• 2019

Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam had the most cultural exchange with Korea. Through Confusion and Chinese character, which were the common measure for two countries, Korea and Vietnam could communicate and share a sentiment with each other. Two countries showed an enormous interest in each other, and hence they could keep good relationship without official diplomatic relations. During the early 19th century, Korean Ginseng had gained tremendous popularity in Vietnam. Vietnamese believed the stamina of Minh Mang, who had 142 sons and daughters, originated from ginseng. Minh Mang bestowed ginseng on old courtiers for their contribution, which made them more loyal to the king. This tradition was inherited to the future generations, and soldiers who fought with Thai, Cambodia and France also received ginseng for their contribution. In other words, ginseng was the very important key for enforcement of patriotism. Due to the tradition, Korean ginseng has been considered as the premium ginseng in Vietnam. It is presumed that ginseng flew into Vietnam through 4 routes; 1) as an imperial gift from Chinese emperor, 2) by the Vietnamese ambassadors who went to Beijing for a tribute, 3) through private trade and 4) from Ryukyu or Japan, which were the hub of international trade. From 15th to 18th century, ambassadors from Chosun and Vietnam actively interacted in Beijing. Through their interchange, Vietnamese royal family could learn about the value of ginseng. The fact that there were many Shilhak scholars among the ambassadors from Joseon, such as Seo Geojeong and Seo Hosu who had profound knowledge of ginseng proves the theory. It is also possible that reputation of ginseng was already established in Vietnam during Silla period. Ko Byung, an bureaucrat from Tang Dynasty who ruled Vietnam for 10 years in middle 9th century and a friend of Choi Chiwon, might have delivered the knowledge of ginseng to the upper class in Vietnam. This hypothesis, however, should be proven by literatures. Hence, further research about the trace of Korean ginseng in Vietnamese history and literary works still remains to be done.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.157-181
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• 2015

This thesis pursued exchanges of Hwangsang with Chusa Family, who existed in the 19th century. What was Chusa to Hwangsang and what was Hwangsang to Chusa? The answer is concluded to the question of which existence Chusa was to Hwangsang but not of which existence Hwangsang was to Chusa. However, disregarding social positions of the nobles and the commoners, brothers of Chusa also cherished Hwangsang and respectfully treated him as a poet at all times. Chusa was a critic who recognized Hwangsang as a successor to Dasan poetics and became a patron of the literary circles on the other hand. Hwangsang's Chinese poems related to Chusa Family are counted as 45 JE 52 SU in total which consist of 31 JE 34 SU in "CHIWONYUGO" and 14 JE 18 SU in "CHIWONSOGO", On the other hand, Chinese poems which Chusa wrote for Hwangsang are only a few pieces shown in "WANDANGJEONJIP". Hwangsang first met three brothers including Chusa in September 1853 when he came up to the capital for the 4th time. Jeong Hak-yeon, the oldest son of Dasan Jeang Yak-yong, played an important role in the whole process that Hwangsang met Chusa's three brothers and was recognized as a poet. As the oldest son of Dasan Family, Jeong Hak-yeon made efforts in various ways for Hwangsang. Hwangsang tried his efforts to exhibit his ability as a poet to Chusa and to get Chusa's introduction of his poetical works. Considering Chusa's importance in then literary circles, the introduction seemed to reflect recognition by the literary circles in the metropolis and it also showed that Hwangsang was no more than an obscure poet in the provincial area. Poetical composition of Hwangsang for Chusa three brothers commonly contained friendship, intimacy and special respect at all times. Seeing from exchange process between Hwangsang and Dasan Family or Chusa Family, it is found that mutual exchanges were actively made in the mid-nineteenth century overcoming regional differentiation between capital and province, or feudalism class distinction of social positions of the nobles and the commoners.

• Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.93-102
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• 2017

A duplex RT-PCR (dRT-PCR) assay was developed for the simultaneous detection and discrimination of non-virulent and virulent Newcastle disease virus (NDV) in a single PCR tube. Primers targeting the large polymerase protein (L) gene and the fusion protein (F) gene of NDV were designed to detect all NDVs (by common type PCR primers) and virulent NDVs (by pathotype PCR primers), respectively and evaluated experimentally with reference NDV strains and other poultry viral pathogens. PCR products of the expected size of 386 bp were amplified from all NDV samples whereas PCR products of the expected size of 229 bp were amplified from virulent NDV samples alone. Cross reaction was not observed with other avian viral pathogens. The detection limit of NDV by the dRT-PCR was estimated to be $10^3$ 50% egg infectious dose/0.1 mL. In the dRT-PCR using field isolates of NDV, the pathotype PCR primers detected specifically all of virulent field isolates of NDV from Malaysia, Pakistan and China whereas common type PCR primers detected 94.4% (51/54) of field isolates of NDV from China. Three Chinese NDV isolates with false negative result were non-virulent viruses. Our results indicate that the dRT-PCR might provide a rapid and simple tool for rapid simultaneous detection and discrimination of non-virulent and virulent NDVs. Therefore the developed dRT-PCR assay provides a powerful novel means for the rapid diagnosis of Newcastle disease.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.26
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• pp.175-206
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• 1995

The costume culture of China is as old and varied as her long history. As China is a multiracial nation and consists of fifty-six min-ority races including Han race, there are not only fifty-six different costumes in China but each races' costume habit is very different. Therefore, Chinese penninsula can be considered an enor-mous exhibition center of the costumes. This study undertook on the assumption that the costumes' mainstream of Korea and east-northern Asia as well as that of China could be examined by investigating the minority races' costumes in the east-and west-northern areas of China. The process of evolution of the costume of a particular people, country or area is subject not only to constraints related to geography such as climate, topography or local products but is also affected by numorous environmental influences including cultural, economic, social and even pol-itical ones in terms of the selection of material, styling, color and standard of tailoring. In other words, things like philosophy of life, religious be-lief, aesthetic outlook, moral code, class system, degree of affluence, and cultural exchange will all be reflected directly or indirectly by features of a people's or country's style costume. Of course, there are several factors affecting to the style of costume of the minority people in China. However, the only three factors-geo-graphical and environmental, production method, and religious belef-will be touched in this study. First of all, the geograghical and eenviron-mental factor would be the decisive one because the costume should be designed to overcome the constraints of climate and geographical environ-ments. Accordingly, each race has an unique style of costume. The costume of the minority races in the northern parts are loose and wide, and made of warm furs. For instance, Mongolian robe has the quality of anti-wind, anti-cold and warmness, and the width of a sleeve is narrow and long. Secondly, the costume style can be said to be limited by the production pattern, when the geo-graphical environment was affected to decide the costume style, the production pattern was together affected to it . In case of Mongolian robe, they should satisfy the dual condition as the practical function. One is the condition that they should be fitted to the climate, and the other is the condition that they should be suit-able to the nomadic life. Mongolian robes are suitable to the nomadic peoples because they are designed for not only overcoming the cold wind and weather but being used as the bedquit at night. The costumes of Hoche people was made of the skin of the fish and wild animals because of their main means of living being fishing and hunting. Accordingly, their costumes are dur-able, warm and water-proof. Finally, the style of the costume is affected by the religious belief. In other words, the pattern in fashion is closely related with the religious be-lief or ancestor worship and nature worship. Ac-cordingly, the symbols of these worship are often emerged in the decoration of the costume. The design of costume of the people in the northern areas of China is very simple. It is related with their monotheism. On the other hand, the costumes of twen쇼 minority races in the east-northern parts of China can be devided into three racial groups such as the long robes of Man people and Mongols, Tunics of the peoples in the west-northern areas, and the pants and jackets of Hoche people. The minorority races all has not only the unique costume habit but their costumes are also related with their living style and production means.